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1i: J.-'-

TRANSACTIONS

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY

OF JAPAN.

VOL. XXX.

TOKYO :
RIKKYO GAKUIX PRKSS.

1902.

PREFACE.

Of books or pamphlets on the subject of political
parties in Japan there are few to be found. In the
compilation of this paper the following works have
been consulted,

Ihe Kenseito-sho-shi,

which appeared originally in the columns of the
** Jimmin " in 1900,

The Meiji Nem-pyo,

m }& ^ ^

The Teikoku Gi-Kwai Shi,

The Go-do Gen-ko-roku,

Okuma Haku Seki-jitsu-dan,

and the columns of the '' Japan Mail/'

My best thanks are due to R. Masujima Esq. for
his kindness in reading through my manuscript and
to J. C. Hall Esq., C.I.S.O., H. M. Consul at Kobe,
for valuable suggestions.

A. H. L.
September, iyo2.

273494

JAPANESE CALENDARS

Ernest W. Clement, M.A.

(READ APRIL i6, i<^o2.)

The Japanese have plenty of time. This is true in more
senses than one. In the first place, tliey are not in a hurry, but
take things very leisurely and calmly. It may be exaggeration to
state that they reverse the Occidental advice, and never do to-day
wliat can be put off till to-morrow : but at least they take plenty
of time for doing things. They have two interesting proverbs
relating to this subject : " If in a hurry, go around " {Isogiiba
mtm^re)* ; and ** Hurrying ruins the matter " {Seite wa koto wo
shisonzuru), the latter of which is a good equivalent of our proverb,
" Haste makes waste." With an old-fashioned Japanese, an
appointment for 9 o'clock may be met at any convenient time
before 10 o'clock, because it is troublesome to take note of minutes,
and it is, therefore, considered to be 9 o'clock, in round numbers,
until it is 10 o'clock. Or, if he misses one train, " s/tika/a ga naV
("way there is not," or "there's no use"), and he waits patiently
for the next train, even though it be half a day. It is thus evident
thit in old Japan there was no use for our proverb, " Time is
money," and especially because money-making was despised, and

• See Note N.

2 Clement : yapanese Calendars,

the merchant was the lowest of the four classes of sociely (soldier,
farmer, artiisan, merchant). And if it is true that " procrastination
is the thief of time," he must have filched cycles or centuries in
old Japan ! But Mr. E. H. House has suggested that the old
practice of the Japanese indicated that they believed punctuality to
be the thief of time !

This propensity to neglect the minutes in reckoning probably
grew out of the fact that in Old Japan the common interval of time
was equivalent to two hours. The day was divided as follows : —

Kokonotsu-dokt (ninth hour), ii p.m. -i a.m. ami ii a.m.-i p.m.
Yatsu-doki (eighth hour), 1-3 a. m. and p. m.

Nanatm-doki (seventh hour>, 3-5 „ „ „

Mutsu-doki (sixth hour), 5-7 „ „ „

lisutsiidoki (fifth hour), 7-9 „

Yotsu-doki (ioMYXhhoMT)^ 9-1 1 „

f« ft

As half an hour of that kind was equal to one hour of our kind, it
is not strange, perhaps, that it is now difficult for some to reckon
minute-ly !

With reference to this old-fashioned way of marking the
hours, we quote further words of explanation from Chamberlain's
" Things Japanese " (page 470) : —

*' Why, it will be asked, did they count the hours backwards ?
A case of Japanese topsy-turvy dom, we suppose. But then, why,
as there were six hours, not count from six to one, instead of
beginning at so arbitrary a number as nine ? The reason is this: —
three preliminary strokes were always struck, in order lo warn
people that the hour was about to be sounded. Hence, if the
numbers one, two and three had been used to denote any of the
actual hours, confusion might have arisen between them and the
preliminary strokes, — a confusion analogous to that w'hich, in oUj.

Clemeni : Japanese Calendars, 3

-own still imperfect method of striking the hour, leaves us in doubt
whether the single stroke we hear be half-past twelve, one o'clock,
half-past one, or any other of the numerous half-hours."*

We may add that this style of computation is based upon
multiples of "nine" (1x9 = 9, 2x9=18, 3x9 = 27,4x9=36,
5x9=45, 6x9 = 54), and in each case the "tail" figure of the
product was chosen as the name of the hour (9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4).

In the second place, the Japanese have plenty of time,
because they have several different ways of reckoning the days,
months, years and other periods. They have both solar and lunar
time ; Japanese, Chinese and Occidental time ; two national
calendars and several special periods ; so that they have literally
"a time for every thing," and, in some cases, they are very
particular to do a certain thing " on time." Of the two Japanese
calendars, one reckons from the mythological founding of the
Japanese Empire by Jinmu Tenno in 660 B. C, and is known as
kigen (history- beginning) ; and the other f is the special period
called " Meiji " (Enlightened Rule), which began after the acces-
sion of the present Emperor, Mutsuhito. Thus, to illustrate, I
happen to have before me an old issue of the Kokumin Shimbun, a
daily newspaper of Tokyo, and find the following dates : — " Meiji,
35th year; Kigen, 2,562; Occidental calendar, 1902; Chinese
•calendar Kocho, 27th year. 2nd month [February], 7ih day,
P'riday. Old calendar Ka-no-to-Ushi,J 12th month, 29th day,
Ka-no-to-Tori.J Sun rises, 6 : 39 a:m. Sun sets, 5:12 p.m. Moon
rises, 5:17 a.m. Moon sets, 4 : 04 p.m. High tide, 4 : 33 a.m. and
4 : 56 p.m."

* The old dial had only one hand, and was stationary, while the face
.moved. f See Note G. J See table of zodiac later.

4 Clement : Japanese Calendars,

And then, as if to emphasize the contrasts between the old
and the new in this mixture, is added the notice of the following
time-saving device ; *' Telephone, Shimbashi, Special No. 70
(Editorial) ; Shimbashi No. 2,850 (Office)."

In the old style of reckoning, the years were named according
to the twelve signs of the Chinese zodiac, taken in conjunction
with the ten "colestial stems " ijikkan), obtained by dividing into
two parts each of the five elements (wood, fire, earth, metal, water).
These elements are known in Japanese as ki^ hiy tsuchi, ka (for
kane^y and mizu ; and the subdivisions are called e {ox ye) and to,
of which the former is said to represent the active element and the
latter the passive element. Rein's explanation is as follows:*
" They [the Japanese] distinguish accordingly (with special
Chinese signs) ki-no-ye, wood in general, and ki-no-to, worked
wood ; hi-no-ye, natural fire (of the sun, volcanoes), and hi-no-to,
domestic fire ; tsuchi-no-ye, raw earth, and tsuchi-no-to, manu-
factured earth ; ka-no-ye, native metal, and ka-no-to, worked
metal ; midzu-no-ye, running water, and midzu-no-to, stagnant
water." Thus the name of the old calendar year {Ka-no-To —
Ushi)y just mentioned, means " Wrought metal — Ox ; " and the
name of that day, Ka-no-To — Tori, means ** Wrought metal —
Cock." This will all be made clear by reference to the following
table :t

* Rein's *' Japan," p. 435. See also Note K.

■j" The cuiTcnt year (1902) is the 38th year of the present cycle, which
began in 1864.

Clemenl: Japanese Calendars.

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Clement : Japanese Calendars.

The lunar year was divided into twelve months of alternately 29-
and 30 days each, and thus contained only 354 or 355 days ; but
this discrepancy from the solar year was made up by adding *' to the
2iid, 5th, 8th, I ith, 13th, 1 6th and 19th year of every lunar cycle an
intercalary month of varying length. This bore in Japan the name
of uro'isuki [uru'Zukil and followed the second month of the year,
which was then * reckoned twice over, as \uru\ uro-nigatsu, i.e.,
supernumerary second month."**}- An intercalated year contained
383 to 385 days. The months were named numerically, as-
follows :

. First Moon, (Shogatsu — True Moon).

. Second Moon.

. Third Moon.

. Fourth Moon.

. Fifth Moon

. Sixth Moon.

. Seventh Moon.

. Eighth Moon.

. Ninth Moon.

. Tenth Moon.

. Eleventh Moon.

Junigatsu Twelfth Moon.

All of the months had also poetical appellations, as follows: —

1. Mutsuki (Social J month). Or Umulsuki (Birth month).
Or Taro'Zuki (Eldest-son month).

2. Kisaragi (Putting on new clothes).

Ichigatsu.

Nigatsu.

Sangatsu.

Shigatsu.

Gogatsu.

Rokugatsu.

Shichigatsu.

Hachigatsu.

Kugatsu.

Jugatsu.

Juichigatsu.

• Rein's ** Japan," page 434. Sec also Note O.

f But thfs extra month was not confined to nigatsu (February).

X From mutsumu^ to be friendly.

Clenieni : Japanese Calendars. 7

3. Yayoi (Great growth).

4. Uzuki (Hare month). Or Mugi-aki (Wheat harvest).

5. Saisuki (Early moon).

6. Minazuki (Water-less month). Period of drought.

7. Fumizuki (Rice-blooming month). Or (Comf)osition
month).

8. ^<i/sw^/(I.eafy month). Or Tsukimizuki (Moon- viewing

month). *

9. Nagatsuki (Long moon), Or Kikuzuki (Chrysanthemum

month).

10. Kannazuki (God-less month). t Or Koharu (Little

Spring).

1 1. Shimoisuki (Frost month). Or Vogeisu (Sunny month).

12. Shiwasu (Finishing up month). Or Goktsgcisu (Last
moon).

The four seasons of spring, summer, autumn, and winter were
recognized ; and there were also 24 i)eriods of 14 or 15 days each,
which, to a great extent, indicated the weather, and which the
farmer carefully followed in planning his labors. These were as
follows, beginning in February, about the time of the beginning of
the New Year (o.c.) : —

1. Risshun (Rise of Spring). ) p^u-^_„

2. Usui (R^in Water). ) reoruar).

• Or lua-agari-zuki (Month when rice comes up). Or Momiji-zuki (Red
leaves month).

t The Shinto gods {kami),, except Ebisu (god of wcaltli,) who is deaf and
dose not hear the summons, were all supposed to leave the other pai*ts ot the
country and to assemble in " annual conference " in their ancestral home of
Izumto. And as the gods had thus neglected their usual business of watching
over the people, it was not considered of any use to ofTer prayers or sacrifices,
and that month was called kami-naki-lsttki^ or kamina-ziiki^ or kanna-zuki.

Clement .-^ Japanese Calendars,

3. Keichil^u (Awakening of Insects).

4. Shumbun (Vernal Equinox).

5. Seimei (Clear and Bright).

6. Koku-u (Cereal Rain).

7. Hikkd (Rise of Summer).

8. »S'^J/7/a« (Little Filling).

9. Bbshn (Grain in Ear)

10. G^5^/ (Summer Solstice).

11. Shbsho (Little Heat).

12. Taisho (Great Heat).

13. Risshii (Rise of Autumn).

14. .S^os//^; (Limit of Heat).

15. Hakuro (White Dew).

16. Shubun (Autumnal Equinox).

1 7. Kanro (Cold Dew).

18. Soko (Frost Fall).

f 9. Riiib (Rise of Winter).

20. Shbselsu (Little Snow)

2 1 . Taisetsu (Great Snow).

22. 7^7 (Winter Solstice).

21. Shbkan (Little Cold).

24. Daikan (Great Cold).

March.

[ April.
\ May.

une.

!• August.
[ September.

}

I
1

October.

November.

December.

anuarv.

The peasantry also observed rather scrupulously other special
times, which Chamberlain thus explains :* — *' For instance, they
sow their rice on the eighty-eighth day {Hachi-ju-hacht-ya^) from
the beginning of spring (Risshun)y and they plant it out in Nyubai,
the period fixed for the early summer rains. The two hundred
and tenth and two hundred and twentieth days (Pii-hyaku-ibka and
Ni'hyakti-hatsuka) from the beginning of spring, and what is called
Hassaku, that, is the first day of the eighth moon, Old Calendar, are
looked on as days of special importance to the crops, which are
certain to be injured if there is a storm, because the rice is then in

• '* Things Japanese."

t literally "88th night."

Clement : Japanese Calendars, 9

flower. They fall early in September, just in the middle of the
typhoon season. St. Swithin's Day has its Japanese counterpart in
the Ki-nO'E Ne, mentioned above as the first day of the sexagesi-
mal cycle, which comes around once in every two months ap-
proximately. If it rains then, it will rain for that whole cycle, that
is, for sixty days on end.* Again, if it rains on the first day of a
certain period called Hassen^\ of which there are six in eveiy year,
it will rain for the next eight days. These periods, being movable,
may come at any season. Quite a number of festivals, pilgrimages
to temples, and other functions depend on the signs of the zodiac.
Thus, the mayu-dama, a sort of Christmas tree decorated with
cakes in honor of the silk- worm, makes its appearance on whatever
-date in January may happen to be the First day of the Hare
'{Haisu-U)" Then Tokyo people visit the shrine of Myogi
[Myoken .?].

The Hassen, mentioned abDve, come as follows during the
year 1 902 : —

1. January 29 o. c. XII, 20.

2. March 30 o. c. II, 2 1.

3. May 29 o. c. IV, 22.

4. July 28 o. c. VI, 24.

5. September 26 o. c. VIII, 25.

6. November 25 o. c. X, 26.

There were also 72 " seasons," (shichijiini-kii) ; but what they
•were I have not learned.

In old Japan the week was entirely unknown ; and it was not
till the present era [Meiji], that the ichi-roku.X or holidays on the

♦ If it rains during the first nine days of kan (cold season), it is an omen
of a rainless summer.

t A period of twelve days, " unlucky for marriage matters."
{ The ist, 6th, nth, i6th, 21st, 26th, [31st], days.

lo Clement : Japanese Calendars.

** ones" and "sixes" of each month, were introduced. But that
was speedily abandoned for the week system, with Sunday as an
official holiday, and with names adapted from the Occidental
names, as follows : —

Nichiyobi (Sun-day) = Sunday.

Getsuyobi (Moon-day) = Monday.

Kwayobi (Mars-day) = Tuesday.

Suiyobi ( Mercury -day) = Wednesday.

Mokuyobi (Jupiter-day) = Thursday.

Kinyobi (Venus-day) = Friday.

Doyobi (Saturn-day) = Saturday.

And Prof. Chamberlain tells of the adoption of even the Saturday
half holiday : — ** Sunday being in vulgar |)arlance Donlaku [a
corruption of the Dutch Zontag\ Saturday is called (in equally
vulgar parlance) Handon^ that is "half Sunday."

There is, moreover, another division of the month more or
less common even at the present day. By it, each month is
divided into three periods, called y////, of about ten days, known as
jdjun, chujun^ gyun (upper, middle and lower decide).

The days of each month were named, not only in numerical
order, but also according to the sexagesimal table described above
in connection with the names of the years in *'a cycle of Cathay."
And the latter names were perhaps more important tlian the
numerical ones, because, according to these special names, a day
was judged to be either lucky or unlucky for particular events.
** Every day has its degree of luck for removal [from one place to
another], and, indeed, according to another system, for actions of
any kind; for a day is presided over in succession by one of six
stars which may make it lucky throughout or only at night, or in.

Clement : Japanese Calendars, 1 1

the forenoon or the afternoon, or exactly at noon, or absolutely
unlucky. There are also special days on which marriages should
take place, prayers are granted by the gods, stores should be open-
ed, and sign-boards put up."* Dr. Griffis informs us in the ** The
Mikado s Empire," that ** many people of the lower classes would
not wash their heads or hair on * the day of the horse,' lest their
hair become red." On the other hand, this " horse day " is sacred
to Inari Sama, the rice-god, who employs foxeS as his messengers ;
and "the day of the rat" is sacred to Daikoku, the god of wealth.
who, in pictures, is always accompanied by that rodent.
Carpenters also have their lucky and unlucky days, as we learned
at the time when the recitation-building of the Duncan Baptist
Academy, Tokyo, was going up. The roof raising had been
originally planned for March 14-16, [1901], but was unavoidably
delayed. As it was expected to cover three days, which should be
consecutive, and not broken into by the 17th, Sunday, the next
possible dates were March 18-20. But as March 18 (Monday) was
" tiger day," and considered inauspicious, the time was fixed for
March 19-21, the days, respectively, of the "hare," the dragon"
and the "serpent." The original dates would liave been
auspicious, because they were the days of tlie " dog," the "boar"
and the "rat." As for wedding days, Rev. N. Tamura says if —
"We think it is verv unfortunate to be married on the 16th of
January, 20th of February, 4th of March, i8th of April, 6th of
May, 7th of June, loth of July, nth of August, 9th of September,
3rd of October, 25th of November, or 30th of December, also on
the grandfather's or grandmother's death day." These dates are

• From Inouyc's "Sketches of Tokyo Life. *
t "A Japanese IJride," pp. 32, 33.

1 2 Clement : yapanese Calctidars.

probably applicable to only the old calendar. " Seeds will not
germinate if planted on certain days'' (Griffis).*

The hours were named, not only according to the plan men-
tioned above, but also according to the heavenly menagerie, in the
following way : —

1. Hour of the Rat, 1 1 p.m. — i a.m.

2. „ „ Ox, 1-3 a.m.

3- »» i» Tiger 3-5 a.m.

4. ,, ,, Hare, 57 a.m.

5. „ „ Dragon, 7-9 a.m.

6. „ ,, Serpent, 9- 11 a.m.

7. ,, „ Horse, 11 a.m. — i p.m.

8. ,, ,, Goat, 1-3 p.m.

9. „ „ Monkey, 3-5 p.m.

10. ,. ,, Cock, 5-7 p.m.

11. „ „ Dog, 7-9 p.m.

1 2. „ „ Boar, 9-1 1 p.m.

It will be noticed that each period is two hours (Occidental) long ;
but it was also divided, as were likewise the numerical " hours "
mentioned above, into jbkoku and gekoku (upper and lower kokii)y
each of which was thus equivalent to exactly one hour of sixty
minutes.* The " hour of the ox," by-the-way, being the time of
sound sleep, was sacred to women crossed in love for taking
vengeance upon a straw image of the recreant lover at the shrine of
Fud6."J " After 5 p.m. many people will not put on new clothes
or sandals '" (Griflfii)).

• Sec Notes I) and F. ■(• Sec Note ().

J See Griffis's "Honda the Samurai," pp. 256-266, or *'The Mikado's
.Empire," page 474. Also sec Note I.

alls'

LtQf

prob
gcrn

tion<
folio-

It wil
but it
menti
each •
minu*
sounc
venge
Fudo.
or sail

• (
:Empirc

Clement : yapanesc Calendars. i j

Following a Chinese model, from which the Japanese calendar
was, of course, derived, we may construct a " time table; " but we
must bear in mind that some of the terms are comparatively
modem, and are derived from Occidental sources.

TIME TABLE.

60 seconds {byo) make i minute {/un),

15 minutes ,, i quarter (^o^«).

8 quarters „ 1 hour {iokt\ji),

96 quarters or 12 hours „ i day {nichiy hi.jiisu).

10 days ,, I decade {jun),

29 or 30 days ,, i moon {tsuki.gelsu.gwaisu,)'

12 or 13 moons ,, i year (/osAi\ nen),

60 years ,, i cycle (b'/zo).

The gO'sekktdf or five festivals, also were, and are, carefully
observed, although their dates have been changed to fit the new
solar calendar. They fell on the first* (or, as some say, seventh)
day of the first month, the third day of the third month, the fifth
day of the fifth month, the seventh day of the seventh month, and
the ninth day of the ninth month. They have various names, of
which the most general are those made from the names of the
months, such as SMga/su no Sekku (First Moon's Festival), etc., etc.
But these names are not so commonly used as more specific ones,
which describe more or less particularly the nature of the festival.
For instance, the festival of the Third Month is well-known as
ydfjii no Sekku (the Girls' Festival), or Hinamatsuri (Dolls'
Festival) ; that of the fifth month is the famous lango no Sekku
(or the Boys' Festival), or Nohori no Sekku (Flag Festival) ; that of

• Originally so established in the reign of the Emperor Uda (88S-897 A.D.

< lament : Japanese Calendars.

»:s- w^\\^u^h uuMUh is commonly called TanabcUa no Sekku (Festival
>! \ V N.M \*CK**) : while that of the ninth month is called Ch6y6
»vx» S^kkii 0**^'^*^" Summer Festival), or Kiku no Sekhi (Chrysan-
ih%Muutu IVsiiviil). Moreover, the Girls' Festival is also called
.IA»w.» HO Sckku (Peach Festival), and the Boys* Festival is called
\v,»,^« no SMu (Sweet Flag Festival).*

Tl 10 re is now, of course, considerable confusion between the
old anil the new calendars, of which the latter is ofBcial, but the
l\»iuu*r is popular and still observed in country districts. And this
ti infusion naturally leads to some curious anachronisms. For
iuHtiinre, the 7th day of the ist month (o.c.) was known as Nana-
Jtusii (Seven Herbs), because the people were wont to go out into
the fields and gather seven kinds of greensf to boil and eat on
tliiit day, to preserve from diseases during the year: but January 7
is loo cold and early for such expedidons and such vegetables.
In some cases, the old day is retained, no matter whether it fits
the new calendar or not. But, " for the most part, the old (/a/e has
been retained, notwithstanding the change thus caused in the actual
(/ay." In fact, often during a year " the dme is out of joint." And
there are not a few people who are quite willing to keep both
calendars and thus get twice as many holidays !

Hut, as this general topic is well-nigh inexhaustible, and
•* time flies " " like an arrow " {ya no goioshi) here as elsewhere,
we may as well stop at this point, and append, as an illustration,
the official calendar for the current year with necessary explanations.

• For a full treatment of the floral calendar, see Mr. Conder's elaborate
|)a|icr in Vol. XVII, Part II.. pp. 1-96, of the Transactions of this Society;
alHO Vol. XIX. Pt. 3. page 548.

f Parsley, shepherd's purse, cudweed, chickwced. hcnbit. horse-tail, radish.

Clemen/ : Japanese Calendars, 1 5

Short True Calendar of Meiji 35th Year.

2,562nd year from the date of the ascension of the Emperor
Jimmu.

35th year of Meiji.
Common year — 365 days.

[National Holidaysj.*

ShihGhai January, i

(ienji-sai January, 3

Komei Tenno Sai January, 30

Kigen-setsu February, 1 1

Shunki Korei Sai March, 21

Jimmu Tenno Sai April, 3

Shuki Korei Sai September, 24

Kanname Sai October, 1 7

Tencho-setsu November, 3

Niinamc Sai November, 23

Size of Months.

[New

calendar].

[Year]

[Old calendar].

I. Large.

2. Common.

Wrought metal — Ox.

II. Large.

12. Small

3. V

4. Small.

Sea

water—

■Tiger.

I. „

2. „

5. n

6. „

3. .»

4. »

7. „

8. Large.

S. Small.

6. Large

9. Small.

10. „

7. »

8. »

II. »

12. „

9. »
II. Large.

10. „

• See Note B.

1 6 Clement : Japanese Caleudars,

Lunar Eclipse in Tokyo — Total.

On April 23 at 2-0-2 a.m. the moon begins to grow dark
from the upper left side ; and at 3-10-2 a.m. it is dark on the
lower right side. At 3-52-8 a.m. it is very dark. At 4-55-4 a.m.
it begins to grow light on the left side ; and it sets at 5-3-4 a.m.
with sixty-two hundredths of its surface still dark.

Table of Sundays.

January 5, 12, 19, 26. February 2, 9, 16, 23.

March 2, 9, 16, 23, 30. April 6, 13, 20, 27.

May 4, II, 18, 25. June i, 8, 15, 22, 29.

July 6, 13, 20, 27. August 3, 10, 17, 24, 31.

September 7, 14, 21, 28. October 5, 12, 19, 26.

November 2, 9, 16, 23, 30. December 7, 14, 21, 2^.

Seven Luminaries.

Sun, Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, Saturn.

Natural Wood — Rat Days.*

Feb. 10, Apr. 11, June 10, Aug, 9, Oct. 8, Dec. 7.

Wrought Earth — Serpent DAYs.f

Feb. 15, Apr. 16, June 15, Aug. 14, Oct. 13, Dec. 12.

Natural Metal — Monkey Days. J

Feb. 6, Apr. 7, June 6, Aug. 5, Oct. 4, Dec. 3.

• Sacred to Daikoku, god of wealth, as jircviously stateil.
t Sacred to Benten, goddess of love and sea-goddess.

J Sacred to Koshin, representeil by the three (blind, deaf and dumb),
monkeys.

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• "" o

Clement : yapanesc Calendars.

-2

_si

^-5

s,i

-2

-4

si.

_si

•A

S^s

i.i

ill

- ■*

L.- 2

fel

sit

-4

II'

.5 .

44 Clement : Japanese Calendars.

The following explanation of these tables may be useful. In
the upper table which is arranged according to the sexagesimal
cycle, each square contains the name of the year period, the number
of the year in that period, the zoological name of the year, and
finally the number of years to be used in computation as reckoned
from last year. For instance, the upper left hand corner square
refers to the 6th year of Kwansei [1794], which was Tiger Year
and 107 years before the 34th year of Meiji [1901]. Then the
second table gives the amount of the addition to be made to
bring up the reckoning to the present Let us try the tables in
the cas3 of a person born Feb. 21,1860 [the ist year of Manen].
Searching in the upper table for Manen, we obtain the figure 4 1 ;
and, looking at the lower table, we find that one born in February
must add one full year to bring it up to January of the current
year. Therefore, according to these tables, we are informed that
the above mentioned person would be 42 years old in January of
this year. That, however, is according to the inclusive method of
reckoning the months ; although the years do not seem to have been
reckoned in that way. Of course, by the exact Occidental method
of reckoning, he would not be 42 full years old till Feb. 21, 1902.

This subject of age brings up many interesting points. In the
first place, it is pretty generally known, that in Japan the birthday
of the " individual was not considered of sufficient importance to be
celebrated; and that ages were computed from New Year's Day,
which thus become a kind of national birthday. And, as Japanese
reckoning was inclusive, a child bom on the last day of a year
would be considered two years old on the first day of the next
year, because he had lived in both of those years. Therefore, in
case of inquiring a person's age, it would be very important to

Clement : fafHinese Calendars, 45

know whether the reply gave " Japanese years " or full years/*
Ignorance or forgetfulness of this distinction has often led to
mistakes, and quite serious ones in the case of historical records,
chronicles and genealogical tables. The inclusive reckoning must
also be carefully noted in such exprcssiom as " ten days ago,"
"ten days later," "jor ten days," etc.. which may mean what
Occidentals would express by "eleven days." We may state
right here, what has undoubtedly occurred to the reader before
this, that Japanese reckonings are quite indefinite according to
the Occidental point of view, and present difficulties in the way
of mathematical accuracy.

There are also superstition about ages. Some persons, for
instance, "are averse to a marriage between those whose ages
differ by three or nine years. A man's nativity also influences
the direction in which he should remove ; and his age may
permit his removal one year and absolutely forbid it the next. "
There are also critical years in a person's life, such as the 7th,
25th, 42nd and 6 1st years for a man and the 7th, 8th, 33rd,
42nd and 6ist years for a woman. " A child born in its father's
forty-first year will be the cause of his death unless abandoned."*
We have heard a similar story to the effect that a child born
(or begotten ?) in the father's forty-third year is supposed to be
possessed of a devil. When such a child is about one month
old, it is, therefore, exposed for about three hours in some sacred
place. Some member or friend of the family then goes to get
it, and bringing it to the parents, says : " This is a child whom
I have found and whom you would better take and bring up."
Thus, having fooled the devil, the parents receive their own child

• Inouye's " Sketches of Tokyo Life."

46 Clement : yapanese Calendars,

back. In one such case, the babe was neglected and exposed
too long, so that he has not yet fully recovered from the illness
which followed. He is a graduate of the Duncan Baptist Acade-
my, Tokyo.

Note A.

We are under great obligations, in the preparation of this
paper, to Mr. Y. Morise for translations ; to Mr. I. Morikubo
for explanations ; to Mr. Ken Saito, of the Imperial Museum, and
to Mr. H. Yamada, for drawings.

Note B.

Some of these national holidays are explained under the
month in which they occur ; but a few words are added here
in farther explanation. Kigen-selsu, for instance, was originally a
festival in honor of the ascension of Jimmu, the first Emperor,
to the throne, and was thus the anniversary of the establishment
of the Old Empire ; but it is now observed also as the celebration
of the promulgation of the constitution (Feb. ii, 1889), and is
thus the anniversary of the establishment of the New Empire.
The Jimmu Tenno Sai of April 3 is the so-called anniversary
of the death of that Emperor. The Kanname Festival in Septem-
ber celebrates the offering of first-fruits to the ancestral deities,
and the Niiname Festival in October celebrates the tasting of
those first-fruits by the Emperor. The Spring and Autumn
Festivals, in March and September, are adaptations of the Budd-
hist equinoctial festivals of the dead, and are especially observed
for tlie worship of the Imperial ancestors.

Clement : Japanese Calendars. 47

Note C.

This has been called " New Year's Eve " as well as the last
night of winter. It will be noticed that, in this case, the last
night of the old year [o. c] is three nights further on ; but
once in two or three years both winter and the old year go
out at the same time. Setsubun is the time when in every house
beans are scattered around to scare away the devils, and the
following formula is also supposed to be effective :

Oni wa solo Fuku wa uchi : *
" Out with the devils, In with good fortune."

This is also the occasion when " each person present eats
one more [bean] than the number of the years of his age." The
food eaten then is known as azukimeshi, and it consists of red
beans mixed with rice. This was also eaten in olden times on
the 1st, 15th and 28th of each month, which were the "three
days " {sanjilsu) then regularly observed as holidays. For a
fuller description of Setsubun see Heam's " Glimpses of Unfamiliar
Japan," Vol. II., pp. 498-503 : and for interesting notes on the
New Year's Festival see pp. 493-498 of the some volume.

Note D.

We append also some miscellaneous items bearing on the
various branches of our subject. We learn, for instance, from
*' Tosa Nikki " the following :

It was the yearly custom in ancient times to bring horses

to the capital, for the sovereign's use, from the various places

where they were reared to suit his purpose. The time seems

* But in shipping and express companies it is unlucky to repeat the upper
stanza, because o-ni may mean " honorable freight " or " baggage " !

48 Clement : jfapanese Calendars.

to have been the 7th day of the 1st month and the 15th day
of the eighth month. White horses, as befitting one ot " divine
origin," were the only kind in request at this period.

Other items are on the authority of Dr. W. E. Griffis. In
pouring out oil for the lamp during kar^ (the coldest part of
winter, late January or early February), if by accident even a
single drop of oil is spilled on the flour, some damage will be
done by fire to the house. This, however, may be averted by
sprinkling a few drops of water on the head of the spiller of the
oil. Kanshoku is the name of " about the 105th day after the
winter solstice, so-called from the universal custom in China
of abstaining from cooked food on that day " (Brinkley).

On New Year's Day, merchants shut the* stores of their
store-houses, lest good-fortune depart. People never sweep the
floor on that day, lest good luck be also swept away, [And the
writer of this paper was once warned that he must not take
medicine or consult a doctor on New Year's Day, because such
acts would portend a year of illness].

At New Year's Day, pater-familias does not like any one ta
utter the sound shi (death) or any word containing it. This is a
difficult matter in a household, since the syllable sin has over
a dozen different meanings, and occurs in several hundred Japanese
words, some of them very common. Thus let us suppose a family
of husband, wife, child and servant, numbering four (shi), A
visitor calls, and happens to use the words Shtba (a city district in
Tokyo), shi (teacher, poem, four, to do, etc.) The host, at first
merely angry with the visitor who so forcibly uses the sinister

* When kan (cold) or sfio (heat) comes later than its calendar date, it is
called zankan or zansho^ '• left-over cold " or *• heat."

Clement : yapanese Calendars. 49

words, is incensed when the latter happens to remark that his
host's household consists of four, and wishes him gone. Moodily
reflecting on his visitor's remark, he resolves to dismiss his servant
and so make his household three. But the shrewd servant, named
Fnku, remonstrates with his master for sending away /uku (bless-
ing, luck) from his house. The master is soothed.

New Year's Day was called sangen (three beginnings), because
it was the beginning of a year, a month and a day. From Inouye's
** Sketches of Tokyo Life" we learn that aged persons provide
against failing memory by passing through seven different shrine-
gates on the spring or autumn equinox. An incantation against
noxious insects, written with an infusion of India ink in liquorice
water on the eighth day of the founh moon, Buddha's birth-day,
will prevent their entrance at every doorway or window where it is
p)osted.

The 1 6th of January and the i6th of July were and are
special holidays for servants and apprentices. The i6th of the
6th month — called Kajoy and the ist of the icth month — called
Genjo — were also festivals. At the time of the winter-solstice
doctors would worship the Chinese Ksculapius. ** The foot-wear
left outside on the night of the winter equinox should be thrown
away ; he who wears them will shorten his own life. If you cut a
bamboo on a moonlight night, you will find a snake in the hollow
of it between the third and fourth joints." " During an eclipse of
the sun or moon, people carefully cover the wells, as they suppose
that poison &lls from the sky during the period of the obscuration."
"If on the night of the second day of the First Month one dreams
of the iakara-hutie (treasure-ship), he shall become a rich man. "
*' The child of three years keeps his heart till he is sixty." " Any

50 Clement : Japanese Calenaars.

thing is useful after three years." " A sixth day camellia " refers to
any thing that is too late, because the flower should be brought on
the fifth day. The first ** dog day*' and the third ** dog-day" in
July are days for eating special cakes. ** The Third Dog-day is
considered by the peasantry a turning point in the life of the
crops. Eels are eaten on any day of the Bull [Doyo no UshP^ that
may occur during this period of greatest heat."* The 17th of
each month is a regular holiday for Tokyo barbers. There is a
proverb that " the gossip of men even [lasts only] 75 days."

The first days of the ist, 6th and 8th months were celebrated
by the Tokugawa government. In olden times there were certain
fixed days for holding the markets, " a fact permanently recorded
in the names given to some of the market sites, as for example,
the towns of Yokkaichi and Itsukaichi (fourth day market and
fifth day market)." We find also Futsuka-ichi, Mikka-machi,
Muika-machi, Nanuka-ichi, Y5ka-ichiba and Toka-ichiba.

Other "specially appointed festive occasions" were the
following: "entertainments in April (third month of the old
calendar), when wine cups were floated down stream ; or in February
(first month of the old calendar) when young pines, growing on
the hills or in the fields, were pulled up by the roots ; or in the
fall, to view the changing tints of the maples." And to the go-
sekku were originally added the festival of the " late moonlight "
(13th day of the 9th month) and the festival of the **last chrysan-
themums."

The guards of the gates of the Shogun's castle in Yedo were
divided into bands which took turns as follows : — At the Chujaku
Gate each of the six bands was to be on duty for a day and night,

• See Chamberlain's *' Things Japanese " under " Festivals."

Clement : Japanese Calemlars, 5 1

by turn : the first band on rat and horse days ; the second, on ox
and sheep [goat] days ; the third, on tiger and monkey days; the
fourth, on hare and bird [cock] days ; the fifth, on dragon and dog
days ; and the sixth, on snake [serpent] and hog [boar] days. " At
the Naka Gate, **each of the five bands was to be on duty for a
day and night, by turns, once on every fi\'^ days." The Ote-San
Gate was guarded by only four bands, each of which " was to be
on duty for a day and night, by turn : the first band, or the Koga-
gumi, on rat, dragon and monkey days ; the second band, or the
Negoro-gumit on ox, snake and bird days ; the third band, or the
Jga-gumi, on horse, dog and tiger days ; and the fourth band, or
the Kita-goki-gumij on hare, hog and sheep days, "f

" The hog [boar] day of the loth month," " the 3rd day of the
I st month" and "any special festive day" might be used for a
performance of the No Dance.

In reckoning the hours, a distincdon was sometimes made
between the morning and the evening as follows : akc-muisu (6 a.m.)
and kure-mutsu (6 p.m.).

Nijuroku-ya-machi (twenty-sixth evening waiting) is the name
applied to " the custom of sitting up on the night of the 26th of
the 7th month (0.5.), to witness the rise of the moon, supposed to
be efficacious for securing longevity " (Brinkley's Dictionary).

Misoka (thirtieth day) was specially set apart for the payment
of the bills of the month ; and the name was loosely applied to
the twenty-ninth day, just as it is now loosely applied to the thirty-
first day : in other words the name came to mean the last day of
each month. The last day of each year is called Omisoka (Great
Thirtieth Day).

t From " The 36 Gates of the Shogun's Castle in Yedo."

52 Clement : Japanese Calendars,

"It was customary to wear a wadded garment [waia-ire) from
the ninth day of the ninth month,* and socks from the tenth day,
but September, the ninth month of the new calendar, being warm,
the old practice no longer obtains." On the festival of the ninth
day of the ninth month, people, with a view to lengthening their
life and averting calamity, drank sake flavored with the flowers of
the chrysanthemum {kiku), and consequendy called kiku-zake.
Chestnuts, someUmes mixed up with boiled rice, were eaten on the
same day; butjthe ninth month of the present calendar can boast
neither chestnuts nor chrysanthemums, so this custom is departed.
On the thirteenth day of the same month, people in general and
poets in particular, made a point of admiring the moon, the former
presenting oflerings of rice-cakes {dango), and the latter composing
verses in her honor. This practice is said to have commenced
about 1,000 years ago, in the reign of Uda Tenno.'^f

** The twentieth day of the tenth month of the old calendar
was that chosen by merchants and shopkeepers for a merry-making,
under the patronage of Ebisu, the God of wealth and guardian of
markets. At one end of the room in which they met to spend the
evening, there was hung a picture of Ebisu, with a huge perch
under his arm, and a fishing-rod in his hand, and to this was offered
the fevorite fish tat- — a kind of perch, sake, and round cakes of
7nochu As the feast proceeded, one would seize on any article
that lay handy — such as a cup or a bowl — hold it aloft, and
demand a fancy price for it, say 100 or 1,000 dollars. Another
would grasp at the offer, and the mock bargain would be complet-
ed amidst the clapping of hands, the transaction being taken as a

• See also Vol. XIII., Ft. i, pp. 6,7 of the Transactions of this Society,
t From " The Japanese Months."

Clanent : Japanese Calendars. 5 3

fore-shadowing of success in the making of r6ri bargains in the
future."*

"The 15th of November is a day of some importance to the
little folks. The heads of children are generally shaved, until they
are about three years old, according to Japanese reckoning, which
counts a part of a year as a whole year. But after this, beginning
from the fifteenth of November, a tuft of hair is allowed to grow on
the top of the head. From the same day, a boy of five years old
is allowed to wear trousers {hakanui) on state occasions, and a girl
of seven may put on the broad sash or girdle {nbi), which is so
important an article of feminine attire. An entertainment in the
evening celebrates the attainment of any of the foregoing privileges,
known respectively as kamioki, hakamagi 2.x\A obitoki. Infants born
during the preceding twelve months are taken on this day to a
Shinto shrine, where the mother performs an act of worship."*

Another such ceremony is known as gembukuy at the age of
1 5, when a youth " donned for the first time a man's clothes and
changed his name."

" On each of the two Bird daysf that come in November, there
is held in Tokyo a fair called Ton-no-Ichi (Bird Fair), visitors to
which are generally seen returning with a bamboo rake in their
hand. This rake, called kumade (Bear's Paw), is ornamented with
imitation account books, and with paper figures of the Gods of
Fortune, the tortoise, the crane and other emblems of success or
prosperity ; and the rake itself, being an instrument used for
drawing things together, sets forth the grasping and gathering
together of things that are prized in this life. The keepers *of
restaurants and houses of entertainment purchase and display a

• "The Japanese Months." f ^ock Days.

54 Clement : Japanese Calendars.

larger kind of rake than other people. The fair is held at Otori-
jinsha, in Shitaya, Tokyo, and one or two other places."*

This part of the subject is still further illustrated by the
following extract from Mrs. Flora Best Harris's " Log of a Japanese
Journey," which is a translation of Tsurayuki's " Tosa Nikki ": —

" Happening to notice how long my nails had grown on
shipboard, I counted the days and discovered that it is the day of
the Rat.f As it is not the proper time, I have not cut them.

" Remembering that the day of the Rat in the first month is
a holiday at the capital [Kyoto], I felt anxious to celebrate it, but
in default of a pine-tree, could not do as I desired.

" A certain woman tried to compose a stanza on the occasion,
but being on shipboard, the theme proved a difficult one, so that
the lines have little merit.

• " The Japanese Months."

"I" " The * day of the Rat * in the first month was a holiday which the
people celebrated by procuring young pines which they planted with much
rejoicing as emblems of long and happy life. As Tsurayuki found the day an
inappropriate one for cutting his nails, the reader may be glad to know that
cutting the finger-nails was jxjrfectly proper on the day of the Ox, and that the
day of the Tiger could be devoted to cutting the toe-nails.'*

In this connection we append the following paragraph from the chapter of
** Vulgar Errors" in Sir Thomas Browne's "Religio Medici": — The set and
statary time of paring of nails and cutting of hair is thought by many a point
of, consideration ; which is perhaps but the continuation of an andent supersti-
tion. For piaculous it was unto the Romans to pare their nails upon the
Nundinae, observed every ninth day ; and was also feared by others in certain
days of the week, according to that of Ausonius, ** Ungues Mercurio^ harbatn
Jove, Cy pride crines" and was one part of the wickedness that filled up the
measure of Manasses, when 'tis delivered that *' he observed times " (II Chron.

33 ' 6).

• See Vol. XIII, Pt. i, pp. 15, 16 of T. A. S. J.; and Vol. VIII, Ft. 4. pp.
442, 445, 446, 447.

Clement : Japanese Calendars. 5 5

" * Whether this day can really be

The day of the Rat is a puzzle. — Ah me !

Were a fish-wife but here, she might drag from the water

A sea-pine to cheer us with festival glee/ "

Japanese children would welcome certain festival days on
account of special feasts on such occasions, as, for instance, in
addition to those already mentioned, the following are found :
boiledj'red beans and rice {azuki-meshi) on days sacred to Inari
Sama ; " rice-flour cakes wrapped in the leaves of a species of oak
called kashrwa " at the Boys' Festival ; and sake on almost all
occasions, "with a spray of peach blossom inserted in the bottle"
at the Girls' Festival. And mochi (the rice-flour cake mentioned
above) is the special food of the New Year's season, as well as of
many other festal occasions.

" To dream of riches with a picture of Daikoku purchased at
a temple under the head, on the day of the Rat, ^^ ^ ^, is certain
to bring an accession of fortune within a year."

The Occidental "sweet sixteen" may be found in the
Japanese musume nihachi (a girl twice eight :) but there is also a
proverb that **even a devil is pretty at eighteen," and another of
**even a dragon at twenty."

The indefiniteness of Japanese time-reckoning and the dilatori-
ness of the people are further illustrated by the practical meaning of
such phrases as tadaima (just now), sugu ni (directly), Jiki ni (im-
mediately), hayaku (early), etc., which must not be taken literally!*

Another almanac which I saw gave the following dates for
sowing grain in 1902: Early rice, March 21 ; Middling rice,
April 6; millet, April 21 ; buckwheat, June 22 ; wheat, Aug. 24.

* See also poem on page 69.

56 Clement : Japanese Calemiars,

Note E.

Brinklcy's Dictionary gives the following explanation of
do : — '' Ktnoe (¥), tree; kinoto (Zj), herb; hinoe {K)^ fire; hinoto
(T), charcoal fire ; tsuchinoc (ft), earth ; isuchinoto (C), earthen
ware; kcuioc (Sf), coin; kanoio (^*), hardware; mizunoe (3i), sea
water; mizunoio (51), stream." Others distinguish "upper" and
** lower ;" or " male " and ** female ;" or " elder brother " and
" younger brother ;" or " great " and " small."

The following explanation is from Ix)ureiro's " Anglo-Chinese
Calendar ": —

iCr'-«£^-r= growing tree. ir/-;/o-^=hewn timber.

/6-«<?-^= lightning. Hi-no-to = burning incense.

Tsuchi-no-e = hills. Tsuchi-no-to = earthenware.

Ka-no-e = ore. Ka-no-to = ketdes.

Jlftzu-no-e =sa\i water. Afizu-no-/o= spring water.

NOTK F.

The almanac which was chiefly used in the preparation ol
this paper contained a loose slip giving general directions for
ascertaining the lucky and the unlucky days, dates, directions, etc.,
t\e,, for telling one's fortune. We began to work it out, but soon
found that, in order to make the subject at all intelligible, it could
not be briefly dismissed, but required more investigation than we
had time to undertake. In fact, Japanese divination is an immense
subject by itself.*

• Sec Vol. XII, Pt. 4, pj). 471, 472 of the Transactions of this Society.

Cletueni : Japanese Calendars.

:>/

Note G.

We append for reference the following : —

LIST OF VKAR PP:RI0DS.*

"SmvaB.

(ThriHtian
Kra.

.IniNinese
Name. Kra.

OhrUtiaii
Kra.

Taikwa

1305

645

Tenan ]

[517

857

Hakuchi

I3IO

650

Jogwan ]

[519

859

(Blank) 131 5

•I33I 655.671

Gwangio ]

1537

877

Sujaku

1332

672

Ninna j

^545

885

Hakuho

1332

672

Kwampei ]

^549

889

Shucho

1346

686

Shotai 1

(558

898

(Blank) 1347

-1360 6S7-7OO

Engi ]

(561

901

Daiho [Taiho]

1361

701

Enchu ]

^583

923

Keiun

1364

704

Johei ]

[591

931

Wado

1368

708

Tengio 1

[598

938

Reiki

1375

715

Tenriaku . 1

[607

947

Yoro

1377

717

Tentoku :

[617

957

Jinki

1384

724

Owa ]

[621

961

'lembio

1389

729

Koho ]

[624

964

Tembio shOho

1409

749

Anna 1

[628

968

Tembio hoji

I417

757

Tenroku 1

1630

970

Tembi6 jingo

1425

765

Ten-en 1

633

973

Jingo keiun

1427

767

Jogen 1

[636

976

Hoki

1430

770

Tengen 1

1638

978

Teno

I44I

781

Eikwan i

1643

983

Enriaku

1442

782

Kwanna i

1645

985

Daido

1466

806

Eien i

[647

987

Konin

1470

810

Eiso 1

[649

989

Tenchc")

1484

824

Shoriaku i

[650

990

Jowa

1494

834

Chotoku ]

(655

995

Kaj6

1508

848

Choho 1

1659

999

Ninju

I5II

851

KwankO i

[664

1004

Saiko

I514

854

Chowa ]

[672

1012

♦ From official sources.

t From 660 B. C\

Clement : Japanese Calendars.

Naiue.

Japanese ChriHtian
Km. lirft.

Name.

JapaneKe CI
Kra.

^riatiaD-
Em.

Kwannin

1677 I

017

Koji

1802 I

142

Ji-an

1681 1

021

Tenyo

1804 I

144

Manju

1684 J

024

Kiu-an

1805 1

145

Chogen

1688 1

[O28

Nimbio

181I ]

151

Choriaku

1697 1

^037

Kiuju

1814 1

[I54

Chokiti

1700 1

[O4O

Hogen

1816 1

156

Kwantoku

1704 1

044

Heiji

1819 1

[I59

Eijo

1706 ]

1046

Eiriaku

1820 ]

[i6a

Tengi

I7I3 1

^053

Oho

1821 1

[161

Kohei

I718 1

[O58

Chokwan

1823 ]

[i6^

Jiriaku

1725 ]

[065

Eiman

1825 ]

L165

Enkiu

1729 1

[O69

Ninan

1826 ]

[i66-

Joho

1734 1

[O74

Ka-6

1829 ]

[169

Joriaku

1737 1

[O77

j6-an

183I ]

1171

Eih6

I74I 1

[O81

Angen

1835 1

ri75

Otoku

1744 1

1084

Jisho

1837 1

[177

Kwanji

1747 1

[O87

Yowa

184I ]

[181

Kaho

1754

[O94

Ju-ei

1842 ]

[182

Eicho

1756 ]

[096

Genriaku

1844 1

[1 84

Jotoku

1757

1097

Bunji

1845 ^

1185

Kowa

1759 ^

[O99

Kenkiu

1850

1190

Choji

1764

[IO4

Shoji

1859

1 199

Kajo

1766

1 106

Kennin

1861

1 201

Tennin

1768

[IO8

Genkiu

1864

1204

Tenei

1770 1

[IIO

Kenei

1866

1206

Eikiu

1773

III3

J6gen

1867

1207

Genei

1778

III8

Kenriaku

187I

121 1

H5an

1780

[1 20

Kempo

1873

1215

Tenji

1784

1124

Jokiu

1879

I2IC^

Daiji

1786

[126

Jo-6

1882

1222

Tenjo

1791 1

[131

Gennin

1884

1224

Chojo

1792

1132

Karoku

J.885

1225

Hoen

1795

fi35

Antei

1887

1227

Eiji

I 801

[141

Kwangi

1889

1229

Clement : Japanese Calendars,

J«

Name.

Jo-ei 1

paneae
[892

ChrlfftUn
En.

1232

Name.

Gentoku

Kra.
1989 1

hrUtUn
Kra.

'329

Tempuku i

1893

1233

Shokio f Genko]

1992 ]

^ZZ^

Bunriaku i

1894

1234

Kemmu

1994 1

I 334

Katei i

[895

1235

Rekio

1998 1

«338*

Riakunin i

[898

1238

Koei

2002 1

1342*

En-6 ]

[899

1239

Jowa

2CO5 ]

1345*

Ninji ]

[900

1240

Kwano

2010 1

[350*

Kwangen i

[903

1243

Bunna

2012 1

'352*

Hoji ]

[907

1247

Embiin

2016 1

1356*

Kencho ]

[909

1249

Koan

2021 1

1 361*

Kogen 1

[916

1256

Joji

2022 1

[362*

Shdka ]

1917

1257

Oan

2028 1

[368*

Shogen i

1919

1259

Eiwa

2035 1

'375*

6un5 ]

[920

1260

Koreki

2039 ]

'379*

Kocho 1

[921

1261

Eitoku

2041 1

'381*

Bunei i

[924

1264

Shitoku

2044 1

'384*

Kenji ]

^935

1275

Kakei

2047 1

1387*

K6an i

'938

1278

Koo

2049 1

[389*

Sh6-6 1

[948

(288

Engen

1996 J

'336t

Kmin 1

^953

1293

Kokoku

1999 J

'34ot

Shoan i

'959

1299

Shohei

2006 1

'346t

Kengen i

[962

1302

Kentoku

2030 ]

'37ot

Kagen j

[963

1303

Bunchu

2032 ]

'372t

Tokuji ]

[966

1306

lenju

2035 1

'375t

Enkio ]

[968

1308

Kowa

2041 ]

'38it

Och6 ]

1971

1311

Genchu

2044 1

'384t

Sh5wa 1

[972

1312

Meltoku

2050 ]

[390

Buinp6 ]

[977

'317

O-ei

2054 1

1394

Gen-6 i

[979

1319

Shocho

2088 ]

[428

Genko i

[981

1321

EikiO

2089 ]

[429

Shochu J

[984

1324

Kakitsu

2IOI ]

1441

Kariaku ]

[986

1326

Bunan

2104 1

[444

• Northern Dynas

•ty.

•\ Southern Dynasty.

-<)0

Clemenl : yapanese Calendars,

Nnine.

Hotokii
KStokii
Kosho
Choroku
Kwansho
Bunsho
"Onin
Bunimei
ChokO
Entoku
Mei-o
Bunki
Eisho
Dai-ei
Koroku
Tembun
Koji
Eirokii
Genki
Tensho
Bunroku
Keicho
Genna
KXvanei
Shoho
Kei-an
Jo-o
Meireki
Manji
Kwambun
Empo

npnne.sn Christian
Km. Fm.

2109

1449

2II2 ]

r452

2II5

'455

2II7

1457

2120 ]

1460

2126

[466

2127 ]

1467

2129 ]

[469

2147 1

1487

2149 J

[489

2152 1

1492

2161 ]

[501

2164 ]

[504

2181 1

1521

2188 ]

[528

2192 ]

'532

2215 ]

^555

2218 ]

t558

2230 ]

[570

2233 J

^573

2252 1

[592

2256 1

[596

2275 1

615

2284 \

[624

2304 ]

[644

2308 ]

[648

2312 ]

:652

2315 ]

1655

2318 J

[658

2321 1

661

2333 1

[673

Name.

Tenna

Japanese C
Kra.

2341 1

hristian
Rrm.

[681

Jokio

2344 1

[684

Genrokii

2348 ]

[688

H6-ei

2364 1

[704

Shotoku

2371 1

[711

Kioho

2376 ]

[716

Gembun

2396 ]

[736

Kwampo

2401 ]

[741

Enkio

2404 1

t744

Kwannen

2408 1

[748

H6reki

24II ]

[751

Meiwa

2424 1

[764

Anei

2432 1

1772

Temmei

2441 1

[781

Kwansei

2449 1

1789

Kiowa

2461 1

[801

Bunkwa

2464 1

[804

Bunsei

2478 1

818

Tempo

2490 1

830

Kokwa

2504 ]

[844

Ka-ei

2508 1

[848

Ansei

2514 )

1854

Manen

2520 1

[860

Bunki u

2521 ]

[861

Genji

2524 ]

1864

Kei-6

2525 ^

[865

Meiji

2528 1

1868

The names of these periods
are made by the various combi-
nations of 68 Chinese words of
good omen.

It should be borne in mind that these year-periods \neng6\
-do not, unless accidentally, correspond with the reigns of the

Clement : Japanese Calendars, 6 r

Emperors, become "a new one was chosen whenever it was
deemed necessary to commemorate an auspicious or ward off a
malign event." But hereafter the era will correspond with the
reign of an Emperor. The names of some of these eras are cjuite
^unous, like the Elizabethan or the Victorian Era in English history.
As the first era was a time of j^eat reforms, it is known as the
Taikwa Reformation ; the Engi Era, in the tenth century, is
celebrated for important legislation : the (renroku Era, in the
seventeenth century, was "a period of great activity in various-
arts ;" and the Tempo Era, of recent clays, was " the last brilliant
period of feudalism before its fall." This name was also given to
the large 8 rin piece coined in that era. The Wado Era, in the
fourteenth century, was so named on account of the discovery
of copper ; and the second era, Hakuchi, commemorates a '* white
pheasant/' presented to the Emperor !

A few more illustrations of minor importance are the
following*: — Taiho Statutes, Tenkeif Rebellions, Hogen Insur-
rection, Heiji Insurrection, Shokiu [Jokiu] War, Genko War,
Kenbu [Kemmu] Statutes, GemiHi-no'Emhu (the battle-ending Era
of Genwa), Keicho-kingifi (gold and silver of the Keicho Era),
"the peace of the Ky6ho Era," the Meireki conflagration, Kwansei
Peace, Ansei jail, etc.

There are, moreover, other expressions which more closely
resemble such common Occidental phrases as the Victorian Era,
the Elizabethan Era, the Age of Pericles, except that in the
impersonal Orient such expressions are named more often from
places.. In Japanese history, for instance, it is very common to-

* ''Oflicial History of the Empire of Jai>an."
t Or Tengio.

62 Clement : Japanese Calendars.

read of the Nara Epoch, the Heian Epoch, the Muromachi Period,
the Kamakura Period, the Yedo Era, the Tokyo Period [Modem
Japan]. Personal names are applied, however, in such cases as
the Hojo Era, the Ashikaga Period, the . Tokugawa Era, the
Fujiwara Period.

The terms " ancient," " mediaeval " and " modern " may be
applied to Japanese history ; but those periods do not correspond
chronologically with similar periods in Occidental history. There-
fore, it seems better not to employ them, for fear of misleading
people ; at least, careful explanations should be made of their
meaning.

Note H.

The official Japanese almanac contains, of course, the regular
dates for the celebration of the annual, or semi-annual, festivals at
various local shrines throughout the Empire. We ought, perhaps,
to have supplied explanatory notes in connection with those ; but
we found that this task would require more time and labor than
we could afford. Therefore, we can only refer the reader to
Murray's " Hand-Book for Japan," in which a great deal of
interesting information can be obtained about the most important
shrines in the various localities.

.Note I.

There are said to be poems about the zoological hours ; but
we have found only one example*: —

• Said to have been written by the famous patriot, Kusunoki : certainly
the metre is too irregular for a good poet !

Clement : Japanese Calendars, 63

Hito to nareba

Ne ni fushi tora ni

Oki-idete

Hito shiranu ma ni

Suru zo gakumon.
This may be freely and prosaically translated as follows : —
** If you would be a man, go to bed at the rat-hour, get up at the
tiger-hour, and study while no one knows it : that is the way
of learning."

Note K.
The following items about the superstitions of seasons have
been obtained from a booklet by Mr. Hachihama on " Supersti-
tious Japan " {Meishin no Nippon^ : — If one swallows seven grains
of red beans {azuki) and one go of sake before the hour of the ox
on the first day' of the year, he will be free froni sickness and
calamity throughout the year ; if be drinks toso ' [spiced sake] at
the hour of the tiger of the same day, he will be untouched by
malaria through the year; if he washes his armpits with his own
urine at the hour of the tiger of the same day, he will be free from
offensive smell in those parts. On the 7th day of the ist month
if a male swallows seven, and a female fourteen, red beans, they
will be free from sickness all their lives ; if one takes a hot bath
on the same day, he will escape calamity. If one bathes at the
hour c^'the dog on the tenth day [of the same month], his teeth
will become hard. If one bathes on the 2nd day of the 2nd
month in hot water into which Aida has been put, though he grows
old, he will have no wrinkles ; if one washes his hair on the first
Jd-no^ day of that month, all his illnesses will be cured ; and, as
fish are poisonous on the 9th day, and the ha-no-e-iora day, of that

64 Clement : Japanese Calendars,

month, they should not be eaten. If one bathes at sunset of the
6th day of the 3rd month, or at the hour of the monkey of the
7th day, or on the 1 7th day, he will escape calamity, and, more-
over, will become talented ; to eat salty food on the i8th day is
a way to increase the reproductive powers and harden the teeth.
If one bathes in the evening twilight of the 4th day of the 4th
month, he will avoid litigation ; if one bathes on 7th day, he wil!
become wealthy ; and in order not to injure the human energy,,
during this month it is well not to eat pheasant, eel, chicken and
garlic. On the 5th day of the 5th month, if one eats fruit, he will
fall sick, and if, in drying duckweed, it smokes, it >vill drive
away mosquitoes; moreover, as the 5th, 6th and 7th days of that
month are days of ''nine poisons," men and women should
refrain from intercourse, and if any violate this rule, their lives
will be in danger for three years. If one bathes on the ist day
of the 6th month, he will escape sickness and calamity ; but if
one bathes on the 6th day, he will lose his business ; and, if one
pulls out white hairs on the 1 9th day, they will not grow out for a
long time. On the 7th day of the 7th month, if one, taking sweet
flag, and putting it in sake, takes such medicine, he will not get
drunk during the year ; if one bathes on the 1 7th day, he will not
get gray hairs. If one bathes on the 3rd, 7th and last days of the
8th month, he will escape calamity, become clever and receive
blessings from heaven : during this month ginger, fowls, pheasant,
eggs, celery, raw fruit and raw honey must not be eaten ; and if any
one violates this rule, he will become sick and destroy his vitality.
On the 9th day of the 9th month, if one makes sake with chrysan-
themum blossoms, he will drive away the head-ache, and, if one
swallows hiba in sake^ he will not get gray hairs : if one eats ginger

Clement : ya/xinese Calendars, 65

this month, he will become blind, and, if one eats melon, he will
become dyspeptic. Bathing with hilhi hot water on the ist day
of the loth month will drive away sickness; bathing on the 14th
day will bring long life ; moreover, this month wild boar, onion
and potato must not be eaten. In the nth month, lobster, turtle
and such shell-fish must not be eaten. Bathing on the ist, 2nd,
13th and 15th days of the 12th month, will drive away misfortune;
and in the evening of the 30th, if one, offering in the kitchen a
light and miki^ worships the small-pox god, the children of that
house will have small pox very lightly.

Note L.

There is also a division of the night into watches, kd [E], five
in number, as follows : —

Shokd (First Watch) — Fifth Hour (7-9 p.m.)
Ntko (Second Watch) — Fourth Hour (9-1 1 p.m.)
Sahko (Third Watch) — Ninth Hour (11 p.m.-i a.m.)
Shiko (Fourth Watch) — Eighth Hour (1-3 a.m.)
Goko (Fifdi Watch) — Seventh Hour (3-5 a.m.)

Note IVI.

In conclusion, although tliis subject oi the old calendar is a
very interesting one to the student of ancient customs, super-
stitions and folk-lore, yet we must acknowledge the force of the
objections raised in the following clipping from the Japan Mail: —

In a note entitled "Get Ri^ of the Old Calendar Super-
stitions," the Kybiku Gakujutsukai calls attention to the uselessness
of perpetuating childish notions connected with the old calendar.
One is surprised, says the organ we are quoting, to find newspapers

66 Clement : Japanese Calendars,

which advocate progress devoting so much valuable space to
representations of the tiger this year. It is time that such things
were consigned to obhvion. If the newspapers would refuse to
lend themselves to the perpetuation of silly superstitions, their
readers would soon grow ashamed of them. But instead of leading
in this matter the press follows the lead of the unenlightened. If
the old calendar and all that associates itself with it could be put
out of the thoughts of the masses, a great obstacle to progress
would be removed. Opening one of the almanacks published for
the convenience of old-fashioned thinkers, we find notices of
divination, fortune-telling, face-reading, &c. We are told how to
find out what days are lucky and when those indecent festivals
called inshi maisuri take place — in fact these publications are made
the medium of perpetuating every conceivable harmful superstition
and abomination. Hence it is we write, "Abolish the old
calendar and all its belongings," says the Kyoiku GakujiUsuhai,

Note N.

There seems to be a great diversity of opinion about this
proverb, as the following clippings show ; and other good authorities
would read it '' isogeba maivari'*: —

In an interesting paper read by Professor Clement before the
Asiatic Society on the subject of " Japanese Calendars," the learned
author adduced two proverbs to show that the Japanese "take
things very leisurely and calmly." One of these was isogeba
maivarCy which Mr. Clement translated "if in a hurry, go round/'
the suggestion apparently being that it is better to go round than
to be in a hurry. Certainly the form isogeha numvirc is sometimes
used, but we have always understood that the correct form is

Clement : yapancse Calendars. 67

tsogeba maivaru, which is the nearest Japanese equivalent for " the
more haste, the worse speed/' Ota Dokwan paraphrased the
proverb clearly when he said isogazu iva nurczaramaji wo (if I hadn't
been in a hurry, I should n't have got wet). What the proverb
inculcates, in our opinion, is, not that time has little value or that
punctuality is unimportant, but that haste and flurry are fatal to
successful accomplishment. Undoubtedly it is a point of Japanese
etiquette on no account to seem in a hurry. Just as the character-
istic of a manly person was never to betray emotion {kido airaku
wo omoleye arawazu), so the rule of the gentleman was always to
be calm and cool. But does that involve indifference to the value
of time, or, to speak more correctly, does it indicate that the
Japanese of former days was more prodigal of his time than, let us
say, the English gentleman of modern ideas, who regards it as the
essence of vulgarity to be flurried or to show haste in society ? It
can not be denied that the men of old Japan conducted themselves
on all occasions in a calm, leisurely manner, but we should be
disposed to say that what they sought to avoid was the absence
of baffling passion or perturbing haste rather than to make a
parade of carelessness about hours and minutes. Nothing is more
conceivable than that the pursuit of such a purpose should
degenerate into procrastination and want of celerity, but the
question here is the motive of the habit, not its abuses. —

yapan Mail.
A proverb. In another column we publish a very interesting
paper on " time " in Japan which has been kindly placed at our
disposal by Prof. E. W. Clement, and which, we understand,
formed a portion of a lecture delivered by him at a recent meeting
of the Asiatic Society of Japan. As will be seen, Mr. Clement

68 Clement : yapanese Calendars*

quotes a well known saying amongst us, isoge/himazi^re, in support
apparently of his idea that we Japanese are, on the whole, innocent
of the value of time. We venture to think that this usually well-
informed author in this instance misapplies the proverb, which,
freely translated, means, if in a hurry, do not make a short cut
because of the possible presence of hidden dangers and unexf>ected
hindrances, and which refers rather to the manner of attaining an
object than to the question of time. It is, of course, based on the
idea of time, but then in that sense its object is to emphasize the
ultimate sdving of time and therefore does not support Mr.
Cleraetit's notion that we are proverbial time-wasters. As for the
regrettable habit of unpunctuality which still obtains largely among
our people, especially on occasions of meetings and entertainments
— and it is certainly not a characteristic that deserves to be
defended — we may say thai the custom has its origin in the idea
that it is small and undignified to be eager to be before others and
not in the notion that there is always plenty of time. We hope,
however, that Mr. Clement will not try to contradict us here^ by
pointing to the scenes often observable at public entertainments
now-a-days when scrambles are made at the free lunch table.
Such scenes arc thoroughly disgraceful and we denounce them
without hesitation and without qualification — indeed the habit of
unpunctuality originally arose as a protest against such scenes.
By the way, we notice that the Japan Mail is of opinion that Mr.
Clement misquotes the proverb in question, its correct wording,
according to that journal, being isogeba mairaru and not isogcl>a
mauHire. Now the verb maivaru means " it turns round, it re-
volves," whereas maitwc signifies " go around, take a circuitous
course," and so on. Thus it will be seen that the Maifs form

Clement : Japanese Calendars. 69

makes no sense and we think Mr. Clement is quite correct in his
quotation so far as its wording goes. — Japan Times.

We observe that the Japan Times denies the correctness of
our quotation in the matter of the familiar proverb, isogeba mau^aru.
Our contemporary alleges that the form isogeba mawaru " makes
no sense," and that isogeba maware is correct Well, this is a
point concerning which we can not pretend to emulate the confi-
dence of the Japan Times, What wc wrote in our issue of the
22nd was "certainly the form isogeba mazvare is sometimes used
but we have always understood that the correct form is isogeba
mawaru** As to the latter form " making no sense, " we not only
&il to follow the Japan 'Times argument, but we have the direct
authority of erudite Japanese for saying that isogeba matuaru is the
correct proverbial form and that it does make excellent sense,

whereas isogeba nunvare can not properly be called a proverbial
form. — Japan MaU,

THE LAND OF APPROXIMATE TIME.

Here's to the Land of Approximate Time !

Where nerves are a factor unknown,
Where acting as balm are manners calm,

And seeds of sweet patience are sown.

Where it is very ill-bred to go straight to the point,

Where one bargains at leisure all day,
Where with method unique **at once " means a week,

In the cool, easy Japanese way.

Where every clock runs as it hapixjns to please.

And they never agree on their strikes ;
Where even the sun often joins in the fun,

And rises whenever he likes.

Then here's to the Land of Approximate Time,

The Land of the leisurely Bow,

Where the overcharged West may learn how to rest,

The Land of Inconsequent Now !

Jingles from yapan.

70 Clement : Japanese Calendars.

Note O.

Since the meeting at which this paper was read, I have had
the privilege of an interview with a Japanese who has made the
various calendars a special study. He is Prof. N. Sakuma, of the
Higher Normal School, Tokyo. He has a collection of almanacs
running back without a break for 192 years, and, with a few
breaks here and there, for 41 moie years. His oldest almanac is
that of 1670. He has also a large collection of works, official and
unofficial, bearing upon all subjects connected with the lunar
calendar. While his vocation is teaching English, his avocation,
or his recreation, seems to be along astronomical lines. During
the year 1900, he made out the calendars, both solar and lunar,
for 1902 and 1903. He has also compiled lists and references
of all solar eclipses from the earliest records in native annals to the
present time. At my request, he has kindly furnished additional
notes, which are appended from page 71.

An English " globe-trotter '* declares, probably with injustice, that Japan
" has weather, but no climate," and that the weather is most uncommonly
bad. He quotes a foreign resident as saying, " I have lived ten years in Japan,
of which nine and three-quarters have been wet," and concludes his unfavor-
able comments by " dropping into poetry.**

Dirty days hath September,
April, June and November ;
From February unto May
The rain it raineth every day ;
All the rest have thirty-one.
Without one l^lessed gleam of sun.
And if any of 'em had two-and-thirty.
They'd be just as wet and twice as dirty.

Clement: Japanese Calendars, 71

By request of Prof. Clement, I propose to offer sundry re-
marks about the Japanese Calendar by way of supplement to his
paper on that subject read by him before the members of the
Asiatic Society.

At the outset, I have to mention that it is foreign to my
present purpose to enter into the technique of the construction
of the JapKinese Calendar, though it is my own hobby, since the
necessary computations involved in it are of too intricate a nature
to make them a subject of popular treatment.

Now, by the Japanese Calendar I mean the one exclusively
used in our country prior to the adoption of the Gregorian
calendar toward the close of the 5th year of Meiji (1872 A. D.).
Although it finds its place in the almanacs published year after
year by the Government since that time, scarcely any use of it, if
at all, has ever been made in government transactions ; and
besides, its use among the urban communities at large has
gradually been superseded by the Gregorian reckoning. The
village communities, however, still stick to its use \vith something
like religious zeal, so that the calendar in question may not
inappropriately be called the " Farmers' Calendar."

It is worth mentioning in this place that the Japanese
Calendar is not lunar in the sense that the Jewish or the Moham-
medan calendar is lunar, for the former takes into consideration
the successive positions of the sun in the zodiac in the course of
the year, — in fact, the method of intercalating months depends on
that very fact, — while the latter do not take them into account.
Thus, strictly speaking, the Japanese Calendar is luna-solar in its
character, whereas the Jewish and Mohammedan calendars are
purely lunar.

72 Clemeni : Japanese Calendar s*

The earliest mention in the native annals of the art of making
calendars occurs in the loth year of the reign of Suiko Tenno
[Empress] (602 A. D.). It is there stated that the art just referred
to was introduced from Kudara in Corea. But what its special
character was, and what calendar was its outcome, or rather its
groundwork, the annals do not tell us ; so that the whole thing is
lost in obscurity.

Coming to later times, there is evidence on record that the
Chinese Genkareki, that is, Genka calendar, was first adopted in
the 6th year of the reign of Jito Tenno (692 A. D.), and that it
continued in use, for the space of five years, till the end of the
loth year of her reign (696 A. D.), when its error is said to have
amounted to 53 kokii [/. e., I2h. 43ni.] less than true time.

[This calendar was devised by a Chinese by the name of
Kashoten in the time of the So Dynasty, and was first used in
China in the 22nd year of Genka (445 A. D.).]

In view of making the above loss good and of adjusting time
more accurately, a different Chinese calendar called Gihoreki,
otherwise known as Rintokureki, was next adopted in the year
immediately following, that is, in the ist year of the reign of
Mommu Tenn5 (697 A. D.). It was in use, for the space of
sixty-seven years, till the end of the 7th year of Tempyohoji
(763 A. D.), when it was again found that the error amounted to
14 koku [/'. e., 3h. 22m.] less than true time.

[This calendar was planned by a Chinese called Kijumpu in
the time of the To Dynasty ; it was first used in China in the 2nd
year of Rintoku [665 A. D.).]

Again, to adjust time with a view to correctness, another
Chinese calendar widely known as Taiyenreki was immediately

Clement : yapanese Calendars. 73

adopted in the ensuing year, that is, in the 8th year of Tempyohoji
(764 A. D.). It was in use, for the period of ninety-four years,
till the I St year of Tenan (857 A. D.), when its error amounted to
1 7 koku [/. ^., 4h. 8m.] in excess of true time.

[This calendar was formed by a Chinese priest called Ichigyo
during the To Dynasty, and was first used in China in the 1 7th
year of Kaigen (729 A. D.).]

In the year following, that is, the 2nd year of Tenan (858
A. D.), still another Chinese calendar called Gokireki was adopted
in order the better to regulate the seasons. It was used for four
years till the close of the 3rd year of Jokwan (861 A. D.), and
then was abandoned, for its error, amounting to 10 koku [1*. <?., 2h.
24ra.] less than true time, became manifest in so short a period.

[This calendar was projected by a Chinese called Kwakuken-
shi during the To Dynasty, and was first used in China in the ist
year of H66 (762 A. D.).]

Since the above calendar fell far short of expectation, it was
supplanted in the next year, that is, the 4 th year of Jokwan
(862 A. D.), by that well-known Chinese calendar called Semmei-
reki, which was supposed to be tolerably accurate. It was in use
for the space of eight hundred and twenty-three years, till the ist
year of Jokyo (1684 A. D.), when its error, amounting to one day
and ninety-five koku [1.-^., id. 22h. 48m.] less than true time, was
discovered.

[This calendar was designed by a Chinese called Joko in the
time of the To Dynasty, and was first used in China in the 2nd
year of ChOkei (822 A. D.).]

The different calendars above enumerated were all that were
borrowed wholesale from China, the allowance for the difference

■T ^M ^ _

74 Clement: Japanese Calendars,

of longitude being out of the question.

Now dawned a new era upon the history of the Japanese
Calendar. The time was now ripe for our savants to construct an
independent calendar on new data, both by observation of the
heavenly bodies and by instituting rigorous comparison of some
of the chief Chinese calendars. Among others, a man of the name
of Yasui Santetsu Minamoto-no-Shunkai stands prominent in this
connection. He was at once a skilful mathematician and an
adept at the intricate game o^ go. It was he who, by command
of the authorities, first set about constructing a new calendar based
on the principles of his own elaboration. As a result of his labour,
he produced the so-called Jokyoreki. By imperial decree it \yas
put to use on and from the ist day of the nth moon of the ist
year of Joky 6 (1684 A. D.), whence the name. This is em-
phatically the first reformation of the genuine Japanese Calendar.

The Jokyo calendar continued in practice till the 4th year
of Horeki (1754 A. D.), for seventy-one years, when it was
superseded by another calendar called Horeki -koshureki, where
koshu means the cyclic' characters for that particular year. It was
framed by Shibukawa K5k6 and others by the direction of the
government It came into use on the nth moon of the 4th
year of Horeki.

The Horeki-koshu calendar continued to be used till the 9th
year of Kwansei (1797 A. D.), for forty-four years, when it was in.
turn supplanted by still another calendar styled Kwanseireki. It
was prepared chiefly by Shibukawa Keiyu by the instruction of
the government. It came into operation in the nth moon of the
9th year of Kwansei.

The Kwansei calendar continued in use till the 13th year of

Clement: Japanese Calendars, 75

Tempo (1842 A. D.), for forty-six years, when it was finally
replacad by the last lunar calendar under the old regime. It was
called TempO-jininreki, where jinin means the cyclic characters
for that special year. This also was prepared chiefly by Shibu-
kawa Keiyti under government auspices, and was put into opera-
tion in the nth moon of the 13th year of Tempo.

The Tempo-jinin calendar continued in practice till about the
close of the 5th year of Meiji (1872 A. D.), for thirty-one years,
when it was suppressed by reason of the adoption of the Gregorian
calendar. On the occasion of this radical change, twenty-seven
days were docked from the old calendar, and as a consequence
the 3rd day of the 12th moon of the year was called and reckoned
as the 1st day of January of the year next, that is, the 6th year
of Meiji (1873 A. D.).

A general discontent was shown by the populace at this novel
change in their almanac, and " Give us back the days we have
lost" was their unanimous outcry, just as it is said to have been in
England when she adopted the New Style in place of the Old.
Besides, some scurrilous language was used by the more bigoted
in giving vent to their indignation, and such an expression as
*' Naee ha misoka ni Isuki ga deru^* ['* For 'tis no wonder that the
moon should rise on the last day of the month,"] which was
employed to wind up some vulgar songs made in laughing to
scorn the late innovation.

The Gregorian calendar first appeared in printed form in the
almanac for the 7th year of Meiji (1874 A. D.), the year made
memorable by the feasibility of the observation of the transit of
Venus at Tokyo and other places in the Empire. This almanac
also contained the old or lunar calendar as computed from the

76 Clement: Japanese Calendars^

British Nauikal Ahnanac for that year, and all the succeeding
almanacs up to the present time have embodied both the Gregorian
and the lunar calendars. Now, two kinds of almanacs have been
yearly issued by the goverment from about this period ; namely,
the Honreki (the standard) and the Ryakureki (the abridged).
The former contains additional information on astronomy, such as
the sun's declination at the Tokyo Imperial Observatory for each

•

day of the year; on the high tide at Reiganjima, Tokyo, with its
time-constants for certain other localities : its later issues also
contain yearly averages, etc., bearing on meteorology, taken at
different meteorological stations scattered over the Empire. In
preparing the Honreki, besides the British Nautical Almanac y the
French Connaissance des Temps, the German Berliner Astrono-
mi'ches Yahrhuch, and the American Ephemeris and Nautical
Almanac are laid under contribution.

To return to the old calendar, its yearly issues in printed
form date from the 6th year of Genna (1620 A. D.), and are
extant. These contain from the very first issue the predictions
of solar and lunar eclipses, but those of the earlier ones proved far
from being correct, on account of the very crude mode adopted in
handling the problem. In the almanac for the 14th year of
KyohS (1729 A. D.), the entry of the Nijushi-setsu (/'. ^., the
twenty-four solar terms), with the time of the beginning of each
setsu in terms of koku taken as parts of the JUnishi (i, e., the twelve
terrestrial branches) occurs for the first time. Thus, the almanac
in question says that Shumhun begins on the 23rd day of the 2nd
moon at -the 8th koku of the dog hour, which means that the sun
enters Aries at that instant* The almanac also gives the time of
the sun's rising and setting and the lengths of day and night, in

Clement : yapafiese Calendars. 77

terms o^ koku taken as parts of one day, on the day ot the com-
mencement of each Selsu, In the almanac for the ist year of
Kokwa (1844 A. D.), the indication of time by means of the
twelve terrestrial branches was finally dispensed with, and the
number showing the strokes of the bell was for the first time
introduced In the almanac for the 7th yeiu- of Meiji (1874
A, D.), the European division of time into twenty -four hours, of
hours into minutes, of minutes into seconds, was for the first time
introduced.

Now, the yikkan (1. e., the ten heavenly branches) and the
yunishi{i. e.y the twelve terrestrial branches), which go to make up
the sexagenary cycle, are both of ihem clearly of Chinese origin,
and their first use in our country in fixing dates is cc>eval with the
advent of the Chinese calendar itself A discussion on their
antiquity in China may be seen in Mr. Chalmers' contribution to
Dr. Legge's Chinese Classics.

The method of distributing the lunar months of 29 and 30
days in a given lunar year, as actually employed before the
adoption of the Gregorian calendar, is too tedious to be explained
in this place. It is now the work of a minute ; for by taking the
figures for the new moon on page XII for each month in the
British Nautical Almanac, adding to them 9 hours, the * standard
time' for Japan, and converting the sum into civil time by a well-
known rule, we shall obtain the time of the new moon for our
country. It will then turn out that the interval of two successive
new moons is either 29 or 30 days, and by carrying the process
fer enough, the distribution of the long and short months in a
given lunar year will at once be known. It is evident that
the Nautical Almanac for two consecutive years is recjuired in

78 Clement : Japanese Calendars,

determining the length of each month of a lunar year, since a
lunar year stretches over two solar years.

The method of intercalating a lunar month can generally be
explained thus : that month is made intercalary where there is an
absence of the commencement of a chukL Now, out of the
Nijushi'Selsu (/'. e,. the twenty-four solar terms) taken in order,
beginning with Risshuny all the even ones are known as chuki ;
namely, Usuiy Shumbun, Kokuu, Shomany Ges/it, Taishby Shosho,
Shubun, Soko, Shosetsu^ T(lji\ and Taikan ; the rest, that is, the
odd ones, are called kiselsu. Generally speaking, the commence-
ment of two solar terms is found in one lunar month. Thus, in
the almanac for the 12th year of Meiji (1879 -^- ^O' S^imei zxid
Kokuu respectively begin on the 14th and the 29th of the 3rd
moon, corresponding to the 5th and 20th of April. The next
moon of the year is intercalary, for it contains the commencement
of but one solar term that is not chukL In feet, the only solar
term that has its beginning in it is Rikka, which is a kiselsu^ and
it begins on the i6th of the intercalary 3rd moon, corresponding
to the 6th of May. Again, in the 13th year of Meiji (1880 A.D.),
only one solar term has its commencement in the 5th moon ; that
is, Geshi begins on the 14th of the moon, corresponding to the
2 1 St of June. It is, however, a cfiuki, so that the moon in
question is not intercalary. Now, seven intercalary months are
generally found in the space of nineteen years, as will be seen in
the following table : —

Clement : yapanese Calendars.

Total
No. of
Days.

lO
»0

to
to

<^*- to
lO to

••o

CO CO

Inter-
calary
Moon.

Ew Year's
Day.

»- M CO-^U-ivO tN.00 a^
O^ONO^Q^Q^O^CNQ^Q^
CAOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

»i4

•i4 M

•

(S4

•— >

t— k

•— »

;xh

•— »

'y^

t— k

•— »

(z^ (l<

»— »

"i^

ki«

r«-

»4

Ov 00

••

•i«

"•

"■

"•

"5*

#>■

•V

•k

•^

•V CK

«^

•

•^

v«.

#•

•»

•i

«h

•«

\r%

tN.

c«

^ CO

c«

C«

3"Ss.

**•

»o

\r%

u-»

-*♦■

""J-

•^*-

to -^

\f\

»i^

\r\

\r%

to to

CO CO

Inter.
caJary
Moon.

tf:

IN.

C» CO

»>.

tN.

I'*

»>.

tN.

r>»

00 00

00 00 00

•2 X

•

!*5

•

■

•

• •

Ix*

•— >

»iM

li.

►— >

t— k

•-H

•— »

b \u

»o

»i4

tN.

00 00

•■

■*

»4

■■

•m4

•

•V

»•

•V

•^

».

»i

#>■

.^ .«

»>.

C»

»4

to VO

Total
No. of
Days.

to
to

'I-

<;?

<2-

to T^

to to

<3-

CO CO

li >»c

^.§8

"d*

^ s:s

c«

r>»

ro ^

•fc.

\r%

\ri

\r\

»o

VO VO

00 00 oo

00 00

•

■•

•

»4

•

*i«

"•

• •

»4

Si s

\f\

ITi

'I-

oo 00

tN.

"■

»4

■*

c»

•3

•g

•^
•K

•
•it

•

•■
••

•%

-:«:

•H

• — %

o
'3

t><

'*'

*«

»4

CO ^

8o Clement : Japanese Calendars,

From the above table we see that, when there is an intercalary
moon in a lunar year, its New Year's Day always happens in
January, with this exception, that it might occur in the second
February, when New Year's Day occurs in February for four
consecutive solar years. The length of an ordinary lunar year is
either 354 or 355 days, but it may rarely be 353 days, as it was
with the 1st year of Kyoyen (1744 A.D.). The length of a lunar
year containing an intercalary month is either 383 or 384 days.

The celebration of what is known as Sakutantoji had often to
do with the length of a lunar month. Now by Sakutantoji is
meant the coming on of the winter solstice on the ist day of the
nth moon. According to " Shoku-Nihongi," the event was first
celebrated in the 3rd year of Yenryaku (784 A.D.), as such a
coincidence actually occurred. Subsequent to that year, the
^tf>6///a«/J5/V happened in the 22nd year of Yenryaku (803 A. D.),
the 13th year of Konin (822 A.D.), the 8th year of Showa (841
A.D.), the 2nd year of Jokwan (860 A.D.), when it was artificially
brought about in the following manner. In that year the winter
solstice fell on the 2nd day of the nth moon, and the preceding
loth moon was an intercalary one of 29 days. But by adding an
extra day to this moon at the expense of the ist day of the nth
moon, thus making it a moon of 30 days, the 2nd day of the nth
moon was in consequence reckoned as the ist day of the same
moon. Thus, by this adjustment, the winter solstice was in this
instance made to fall on the ist day of the nth moon. The feet
is detailed in one of the classical annals called " Sandai-jitsuroku. "
Such a practice was not uncommon in subscc^uent periods. From
Jokwan till the present year, the Sakutanlbji has happened about
forty-five times, either naturally or by adjustment, the last one

Clement: y apanage Caleruiarsi^ Si

before the adoption of the Gregorian calendar being in the 3rd
year of Meiji (1870 A. D.), but scarcely any notice has of recent
years been taken of the event to which so much importance was
attached in times of old. It might be well to mention in this
connection that one occurred in the 33rd year of Meiji (1900
A. D.), it being thus far the first and last since the advent of the
Gr^;orian reckoning in our country.

Now, space forbids me to dwell on the nature and usages of
such days as Higan, HangeshOy Shanic/u, Doyb, etc For the
elucidation of such matters the reader is referred to a work called
yunhvanreki, from the pen of Koizumi Shotaku. I shall, how-
ever, mention the way they are inserted in the current almanacs.
Higan is placed on the 3rd day before the beginning of Shumbun
and Shulmn respectively (that is, it happens on the 3rd day before
the Vernal Ecjuinox, and again on the 3rd day before the
Autumnal Equinox). Thus, when Shumbun happens on the 21st
day of March, as it actually did last spring, Higan occurs on the
18th.

Hangesho is placed on the 1 oth day after Geshi (that is, the
Summer Solstice), when the latter begins before 1 2 o'clock noon
on the day of its occurrence; but Hangesho is placed on the i ith
day after Geshi, when the latter begins after 12 o'clock ncxjn on
the day of its commencement Thus, in the 33rd year of Meiji
(1900 A.D.), Geshi began (that is, the sun entered Cancer) at
6h. 39m. A. M. on the 22nd day of June, so that Hangesho
happened on the 2nd day of July. Hut in the current year, (ieshi
will begin at 6h. 15m. P. M. 22nd June, so that Hangesho will
happen on the 3rd day of July.

Shanichi is placed on the nearest day of tsuchinoye either

82 Clement : Japanese Calendars.

before or after the commencement of Shumbun and SfMun
respectively. It sometimes happens that the nearest days of
isuchinoye occur on the same number of days both before and after
the beginning of either Shumbun or Shiibun, In that case the
time of its commencement is necessarily taken into account
When it begins in the morning, the nearest day of isuchinoye
before its beginning is taken up ; when it begins in the afternoon,
that after its beginning is made available. Thus, in the 14th year
of Meiji (188 1 A.D.), the vernal equinox commenced at 8h. 32m.
39 s. P.M. on the 20th day of March, and the i6th and the 25th
days of the month were the days of isuchinoye nearest to the
equinox. As the latter began in the afternoon, the 25th of the
month was made Shanichi, The same thing happened last spring,
as will be evident from a glance at the proper page of the current
almanac.

Doyo is now calculated from the sun's longitude. When it
reaches 297°, 27°, 117°, and 207°, those respective instants are
the beginnings of the Doyo of January, April, July, and October.

N. Sakuma.

N. B.

In the study of this subject of time reckonings in Japan,
Bramsen's " Chrc>nc>logical Tables" are, of course, invaluable; but
they are, unfortunately, not easily accessible.

E. W. C.

*«.

.'•■*Si

■ . .J ■

■■''X'.

■■■'^&.
■ i-r

■I /.-.

■ . 4. .;

\\ *i t •
■I J

I 1 Ul

A CHINESE REFUGEE OF
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

Ernest W. Clement, M.A.

In a paper read before this Society on April 8, 1896, upon
the subject, "Chinese Refugees of the Seventeenth Century in
Mito," the writer referred in notes * to other Chinese refugees who
found refuge about that time in various localities of Japan. One
of these was called Tai Ryu [R28il, or Tai Man K6 CKtt^], who
was both a priest and a physician. In that paper allusion was
made to the fact that a stone monument had been erected to his
memory, by pupils of his, at Kawagoye, near Tokyo.

In January of this year [1902], after instituting more
particular inquiries about this matter, and ascertaining that the
monument was in the precincts of the temple known as Ileirinji,
between T6ky6 and Kawagoye, we started out in company with
a Japanese friend to find the place. It tiirneil out to be in
Nobitome Village, Niikura County, of the Province of Musashi,
and the Saitama Prefecture. The temple is situated on a little
knoll called Kimpo2an,t about half a mile off the main road to
Kawagoye, and about 6 ri from Tokyo.

• T. A. S. J., Vol XXIV. pp. 27, 28, 38. t See Note A.

84 Clement : A Chinese Refuged,

We found here, not only the aforesaid monument, but also
many relics, of Tai Man Ko. It is true that the monument was
first erected at Kawagoye ; but it did not then, and does not now,
mark the place of his burial ; it is only an honorary monument,
a cenotapJh, and the place of interment is not definitely known.
The monument is of wood, black lacquered, and about 5 feet high
and 4 feet wide ; the inscription thereon is to the following
purport* : —

Epitaph on the Monument of the Independent Zen Teacher.
By Kogentai [K^ffi], disciple.

The teacher was bom at Ninwa [t ft], Koshu [fti >HJ, China.
His fether was an official and known as a man of good deeds.
His mother was a Ching [Mil. Seven children were born to
them ; and the last was the teacher. His birth took place on the
19th day of the 2nd month of the— year of Manreki [A. D.

i595(?)]-

The child was bright by nature and had an excellent mem-
ory ; so that he could repeat whatever he had once glanced at
in a book. Though he was sent to school when very young, he
had very little inclination to write compositions, (a task which
constituted the chief pursuit of students in those days).

When he was grown up, he wandered about from one place
to another, searching for beautiful mountains and clear streams
and other sublime scenery worthy of admiration. When he was
3D years old, he had not yet written a verse. One day a friend
of his urged him to compose a poem. Then, to the astonishment
and admiration of all present, he spoke out, off hand, a fine

• Translated by Prof. Y. Chiba, of Duncan Academy, Tokyo.

Clement : A Chinese Refugee 85

rhyme. After this he was always ready to write poetry whenever
a subject was suggested to him. His productions came out
spontaneously and showed perfect originality.

Previous to this an important political change had taken
place in his own country, that is to say, the Ming dynasty had
been overthrown by the Shing. He could scarcely bear to enjoy
life under the latter government, thinking that it was an awful
thing and a disgrace to serve two masters: and this caused him
a heartfelt desire to leave that country and come over to our
country. As a boat was leaving for Japan, he seized the oppor-
tunity and came to Nagasaki. This was on the 2nd day of the
3rd month in the 3nd year of Showo [A. D. 1645].

In this city he met Fusho [#.fB], a Buddhist priest of wide
learning, who had been invited from China as a religious teacher.
The teacher [Tai Man Ko] was not a little impressed by the priest
and listened with unusual interest to his teaching. At last he was
converted from Confucianism to Buddhism. He changed his
name to Eki [A ] and sumamed himself Dokuriisu Tenka Ichikan-

He was a man of unfettered disposition ; he was an extensive
reader, especially of religious books, and soon became known to
the world. He entered a monastery and was there made a scribe.
During the 1st year of Manji [1658], he came with the priest to
the capital. The reputation of his learning and virtue became
known among the high officials and noblemen, so that some tried
to secure him for a teacher.

During the 2nd year of Manji [1659] he was obliged to return
to Nagasaki on account of illness. Having recovered from this
sickness, he began a pilgrimage all over the c(juntry. Wherever

86 , Clemeni : A Chinese Re/ui^ee,

he went, he gave medicine and drove away diseases. The people
called him " divine."

He excelled in penmanship. His style of writing exactly
corresponded with the ancient standards in penmanship : and his
ideographs made a wonderful impression upon those who looked
at them. To get a piece of paper containing his writing, or even
a single character, was considered the same as to obtain a precious
jewel or treasure.

A few years later, his teacher Fusho died ; and he came over
to the capital again. Soon afterward, he was made the priest of
Kirapoji, which was called Heirin, a Buddhist temple ten ri out
of the city. This temple had been established by Nobutsuna
Minamoto, the Lord of Izu. When he came to this temple, he
opened up the country, drew water from the Tama River for the
convenience of the people, and added elegant buildings. He
went around the neighboring country, teaching the people and
comforting them.

He had not forgotten his own country, and would often write
out, with indignation, treatises denouncing the great crime of the
Shing dynasty, and sympathizing with his own people, who were
ovenvhelmed by the terrible calamity which had befallen them.
May we not call him one faithful to his own country and a true
disciple of Buddha ?

He died in the 12th year of Kwambun [1672J at the age
of 77.

Clement : A Chinese Refugee, 87

Note A.

Kimpozan Heirinji [ftHlIl^ttc?], also called Voshinin
[fll<&IS], which is located about 8 chb east of the Nobitome Road,
belongs to the Zen Sect. This temple was opened in the ist
yearofK6w6 [1389] by the great priest, Sekihitsu Zenkyu.
The temple was originally built in Iwatsuki Village, between
Omiya and Kasukabe, but it was moved to this place in the
3rd year of Kwambun [1663]. There are four buildings con-
nected with the temple. One of them is called Taikeido [K88^],
which contains an image of Kwannon,* i foot and 2 or 3 inches
tall, dressed in white, which was worshipped by Tai Man K6, and
a wooden statue of the latter. There is also a wooden tablet with
the following inscription : Min {no) Dokuritsu Eki Zen'ihi Kwakui,'\
which seems to have been only an honorary apf)ellation.

* This had been stolen just a little while before our visit.

Clitnenl : A CArnesr Refugee.

Note B.

I have recently been so fortunate as to run across a small
photograph of Mitsukuni (Giko), the 3rd Tokugawa Prince of
Mito, who was the patron of learning and gave sevefal Chinese
refugees a shelter in his clan. For inibrmation concerning this
Japanese Maecenas, see papers on "The Tokugawa Princes of
Mito" (Vol. XVIII, Part I), " The Mito Civil War " (Vol. XIX,
Rirt i). " Chinese Refugees of the Seventeenth Century in Mito "
(Vol, XXIV), and " Inslnictions of a Mito Prince to His Re-
tainers" (Vol. XXVII). The above-mentioned photograph is
here reproduced :—

Mitsukuni [Giko]

BOOK I.

IN PRIVATE LIFE,

FATHER AND GRANDFATHER.

When four years old father lost his mother, and when
nine his father died. He knew little of them. Grand-
fathers name was Kageyu, and grandmother was the
daughter of someone named Someya. I do not know
their native place 'but both died in the village Shimotsuma,
in the province of Hitachi.

Our name Arai came from the Minamoto* family of the
province Kodzuke, and Someya from the Fujiwara family
of Sagami province. I do not know why they went to
Hitachi. There are those who profess to know, but as
father died without telling me I do not believe them.
He told me that grandfather lost his estates and was
concealed by his farmers for a while.

His eyes were large, his beard heavy, and his appearance
stern. His hair dkl not turn grey before he died. He
always ate, so father's old nurse told him, with chopsticks
which he took from a highly ornamented lacquer box,
and after eating he put the chopsticks back and carefully

* The Minamoto family was in 3 branches — Seiwa Genji, Chini-no-
Genji and Kai-no-Genji.

go Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki.

put the box away. In some battle he had taken a <Tood
head, and when he showed it to the general the latter
said, — ** You must be tired," and passed him his own tray
and dinner, giving him the chopsticks. But father heard
the story when so young that he did not remember the
name of the general, nor what battle it was.

One other story father told of him, — When an old
comrade said to him, ** You are contemptuous," grand-
father replied, " Contempt cannot be endured. You spoke
in jest but jests invite contempt."

After grandfather's death father's adopted brother gave
him to a wealthy man whose place was not like grand-
father's but was full of servants, guns, bows and spears.
This man loved father well, but, when 13 years old, father
quarrelled with a comrade and was asked, ** what good is
there in arguing with one who does n6t know his place
as a dependent ?" Father did not understand and, as there
was no one else, asked his old nurse. She told him not
to mind, but as he persisted at last she cried and said : —
" Your father once had an establishment like this but
though he remembered regretfully the past he died in
peace. This man, with his wealth, might adopt any one's
son, but he has taken you and loves you better than his
own child, for you are the son of his lord. Obey him
like a father."

When father heard this he hated his adopted brother,
borrowed some pence from the priest his teacher, did up
his clothes and wrapped them in paper, stuck his pence
into his girdle, put on his sword and went away. After
going a few miles he met the postmen from Mito who
asked him to join them and told him so young a lad was
in danger from thieves if he went alone to Kdo. For

KnoX' : — - hitobiography of Aral llakuseki. g i

a while he refused to answer their questions, but as they
were very kind, and put him on the horse when he was
tired, at last he told them about himself. So they cared
for him in Kdo and found him employment. Twenty years
after father returned to Shimotsuma to observe the twenty-
fifth anniversary of his father's death. Of father's brothers
three were dead, and the survivor told him that the second
brother had deeply mourned him and made unaviling
search for him in Edo.

Soon this remaining brother died also, aiid father had
no further friends in Shimotsuma.

Father's youth was passed in the period soon after the
wars, when men were chivalrous and righteous, very dif-
ferent from now. He wandered about until he was thirty
years old and then found employment with the Kodu,
Minamoto Tsuchiya.*

Three foot soldiers who were accused of murder and
confined in the arrow-room above the gate were put in
his charge. He accepted this position on condition that
the swords of the men were returned ; and when this was
done he said. *' If you escape, cut off my head and take
it with you. I cannot fight three men. My sword is
useless.'* So he wrapped it in a long strip of cloth and
put it aside. He slept and ate with them for ten days,
when they were acquitted. But they were dismissed the
service as they had suffered in reputation. When leaving
they said to father." It was shameful that three of us
were put in charge of one man and we purposed to show

* Kobu — was an honorary litlc and was equivalent to — Minister in
charge of Embankments. Arai always calls his lord by this title. He was
a heUamoio daimyo of 21.000 kokuy and his estates were in Kururi in
Kururi in Kadzusa, across the bay from Tokyo.

92 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki,

our strength. Ikit when you put your sword aside we
felt our shame would be increased should we kill aii un
armed man ; nor could we commit suicide without art
antagonist. Then we planned to take our revenge after
our release, but our swords were restored to us and we
can still enter the society of samurai Your kindness
has taken way our wrath and we shall not forget your
sympathy.

Soon after, father was promoted and given permanent
position in the Kobu*s household. Gradually he rose to
be censor. *

From this on I write of my own remembrance.

Father's life followed a strict and uninterrupted routine.
He awoke at the tiger hour (four a.m.), bathed in cold
water and dressed his own hair. In very cold weather
mother wished him to use warm \vater but he would
not as It would make the servants trouble. When he was
past seventy fire was kept in the foot warmer at night,
for mother suffered from the cold, and, as water could be
heated there without trouble to anyone, he used hot water.
' Father and mother were Buddhists and after their bath
put on their special garments and worshipped the Buddhas.
On their parent's anniversaries they prepared the rice
without help from the servants. When they awakened
before dawn they sat up in bed and silently awaited the
day. When it was light enough to see they arose.

Father's road lay to the north but he always went
out of the south gate and turned to the east. Returning
he went to the west and entered by the north gate. His

* " Grandfather died in 1609, and grandmother in 1604. Father v^'as
horn in 1 602, and went to Kdo in 1613.''

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, 93

sandals had iron knobs and he walked with resounding
stq3S giving notice of his approach. All knew his tread
and hushed crying children at the sound. *

The Kobu went year by year to his estates in Modagdri>
province of Kadzusa, spending the time from the eighth
to the twelfth month there. On his return he would
ask father for the news and be told, ** There is none."
After some years he said, ** How is this ! Among so
many samurai surely something has happened these years
past!" But father replied, ** Great matters we communicate
to you at once, trifles we arrange and tlicre is notliing
to tell." TlKireafter, when the Kobu returned, he called
fatlier and told him the happenings in Kadzusa to which
father listened and retired.

In the autumn of 1645, the Kobu was put in charge at
Siiruga> and in his stead father went to Kadzusa. The fol-
lowing spring, he u'as summoned in haste to Suruga to look
after the young samurai who climbed the bamboo fence at
night, and went out for their amusement, not heeding the
rebuke of the officials. Father wished to prevent the scan-
dal of piunishments for such offences, so he set up four or
five guard houses with two foot-soldiers in each and himself
went the rounds all night. This wholly put a stop to the
offence.

In 1647, the Kobu was put in charge of the fire dei>art-
ment in Nikko, and in 1649, of the Osaka castle. Father
went with him to keep the young sanmrai in order en route.
So he did not sleep at all at night, but dozed on horseback
ift the day time or when the company halted. He suffered

* Not to lie down after awaking, to walk with resounding stejjs and
Cttrn to the "east on leaving his gate was to fT>llow the classical examples.

94 K^wx :— Autobiography of Aral HakusekL

so from night blindness that when he returned to Mishima
he could not see the lanterns. His real object was the
protection of the Kobu against the vengeance of a young
samurai^ who had committed a flagrant crime and had fled.
The Kobu was determined to take him, but could not, and
put his aged mother in prison, thinking he would come for
her relief But he did not come and the woman died in
prison. So the samurai disguised himself that he might
kill the Kobu. Father knew all this, and feared the journey
might afford advantage to the criminal.

A boy named Ashizawa had been left an orphan at an
early age. He was given office and honourably employed
by the Kobu. When Ashizawa was twenty years old the
Kobu one day called father. The Kobu was seated with
his sword by his side and his countenance ehanged. He
said, " Come close to me." Father thought there was
need for his sword and started to get it, but the Kobu said,
*' Come as you are. I shall kill Ashizawa myself. Stay
and see." Father stood in silence and soon the Kobu said
again, ** What is your opinion?" And Father replied i-7-
'* Ashizawa acknowledges that your kindness to an orphan
deserves an extraordinary return. He is naturally strong
but is still very young, often does wrong and has given
cause for your wrath. But, are not men of a different
mould useless when mature ? Thinking of all this my
answer was slow and I beg pardon." At this the Kobu
. was lost in thought and father too stood in silence. Tlie
moquitoes gathered on their faces until the Kobu spoke
again, when six or seven fell gorged and father carefully
picked them up and put them in a paper. At last the
Kobu said," You may go now and rest."

Ashizawa had been given to drink and rioting, but, as

Kfiox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki, 95

father and father's friend Seki urged him now, he reformed.
After a few years he was given his father's office, and when
the Kobu was dead, father said, '* See that you do not
forget the past !" for he had taken to drink again.

Jn the Kobu's household was a man named Kato, who
was about sixty years old when I was twenty. He had two
famous swords — **dish cutter" and "monkey leader." I have
seen the first, it was narrow and three feet long, but not
the other. That he had from a monkey leader. When
Kat5 was sixteen years old he killed one of his samurai^
cutting quite across his body and clean through a dish.
But after father retired from office he told me the facts
as a secret.

" One can*t believe all that men say, that sword I gave
you when young is the true dish-cutter. Katd's apartment
adjoined mine anci one day I heard him from the second
story quarrelling in a loud voice with one of his young
samurai who was cleaning fish below. What a miserable
row, I thought, and just then Kato nished down stairs,
and I picked up my sword and went to see. He had
struck the samurai but had been too weak to injure him,
and he had turned on Kato with his knife. So I cut down
the man from the shoulder, my sword going quite acro.ss
liis body and through the dish. As he fell, I said to Kato,
* Now stick him !' wiped the blood from my blade and
went home. So when others came rushing in they called
Kato's sword " the dish-cutter."

" My sword had belonged to a man named Goto, and he
had it from his elder brother who had cut a man's head
in two with it. Half the head he kept in proof of the
sword's qualities. From Goto it came to me. Have a

96 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

care for it ! '* I have kept it for cerenK>niaI occasions and
for service and call it lion."

I have also a sword which once belonged to the grand-
son of Okabe, Lord Tambu. Once when going out into
the forest with a young companion they met a wild boar.
The companion ran and climbed a tree, but his lord waited
with his back to a tree. When the boar charged him
with its tusks he cut it across the mouth and the brute bit
the sword and ran with it in its mouth and struck against a
tree,-destroying the ornaments of the sword and killing it-
self. This boy did many such deeds, and father begged
the sword from him and gave it to me. But father added
** I never talk of the quality of my sword, for when men
talk of their swords they soon come to testing them in

fight."

A certain old man constantly swore by the gods and the
Buddhas, and father cautioned me, " Men who lie, swear
as a proof of truth. This old man is not a liar, but is care-
less in his talk, and has acquired this habit. Beware of it !"

Father had a friend, five or six years his junior, named
Seki, who became imbecile when more than .seventy years
old, and father thought, " How pitiable one is when his
powers fail with age ; and there is no help for it unless
preparation is made in youth. Old men do and say wrong
things from forgetful ness. Old and young have a certain
routine, if they attempt more they may do it or may not.
So from my youth I have undertaken few duties, but those
I have done with my strength and have not left them to
others. I have a place for everything, so I can find it in
the dark, just as we learn the parts of our bodies and use
them involuntarily. And there is profit in asking old men
of their youth ; for that they do not forget and answer well

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, gy

if asked; but we should not speak of the new and wonderful
things we hear. I forget names heard only once, and tinies
and places escape me soon. Nothing is thought of it if a
youth forgets, but if it is an old man they say, He is im-
becile. So I take special care not to forget. Seki was
honest and skillful, but be was careless in speech and act.
So he has become imbecile.'*

As I remember father he was very grey, his face was
square, and his forehead high. His eyes were large, and
his beard heavy. He was short, large-boned, strongly built.
He showed no sign of emotion in his face, he did not laugh
loudly nor scold in an angry voice. His words were few
and his movements dignified. I never saw him surprised,
amazed or lacking in self control. For example, he thought
small moxa useless and would have five or seven large ones
applied at once, showing no sign of suffering.

When off duty, he cleaned his room, hung up some
ancient painting, arranged a few flowers of the season and
sat silent all day or painted pictures. He did not care for
colored pictures.

When well he did not have servants wait on him at
meals. He ate two bowls of rice and a variety of other
things that he might not hurt himself eating too much of
any one. He did not pick and choose but ate what was
set before him whether he fancied it or not, weighing the
several dishes in his hands to determine their quantity. He
did not order his meals, though he insisted upon having the
fresh food of the four seasons as soon as it was in the
market, and ate it with the family. He was easily affected
by wine, and merely took the cup in his hand at the cere-
monies. Tea he much liked.

At home, he wore carefully washed clothes, nothing soiled

98 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki.

even in bed. When he went out, his dress was new and
fine, but not extravagant or beyond his rank for, like the
famous men of old, he wished no criticisms after death.
He associated things with their owners and thought char-
acter revealed by possessions, and that it was a shame to
forget one's things.

His ordinary fan was of an ancient pattern with white
ribs, and its paper splashed with silver and gold, but at
times he used a fan ornamented with pictures, and was care-
ful to get pictures by famous artists. Still more was he
particular as to the ornaments of his swords and armour.

When past seventy his left elbow troubled him and he
wished to retire, but the Kobu would not consent. So
father wore only one sword, a short one a foot long and
an inch wide, with its scabbard wound with silk, and his
servant followed bearing his long sword. That \vas extra-
ordinary, but the Kobu permitted it. * Father thought a
sword for use, and not to be worn when it could not be
handled, and so wore only his short one. That he kept
until death, and then gave it to his adopted son in Oshu.
Its ornaments were iron, its scabbard had black lacquer
waves ornamented with ebony. When he took the tonsure
he put it away in a leathern bag.

Some years after his death the late head of the Kotoku
temple told me that when father was past eighty a drunken
fellow came to the temple flourishing his sword, and no one
faced him until the old man came out, caught him by the
arm, tripped him, threw his sword into the drain, and went
back into the temple. Then the young priests came out

* Extraordinary, because the swords of Daimyo were thus carried by
servants.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hahiseki, 99

and guarded the fellow where he lay, until sobered, and
finally sent him home. The priest thought father's deed
should not be mentioned, lest people think it a mere display
of vanity on the part of an old man. But persons of dis-
crimination will see the reason for his act.

When I was seventeen or eighteen, I dropped a green
colored cord with a hook at its end used for securing
criminals. " What is that he asked," " When I was a
censor I had such a cord for years, for fear my servants
might not have one in time of need. When I gave up
office I used it to tie the cat. That is the cord you have.
A samurai should take care. Each one has things to do
and other things not to do. That is not for you, and you
are too old to be heedless.

STORIES OF THE PAST: FATHER'S RE-
TIREMENT AND DEATH.

Father told me this story of Takadaki Kichibei, of
Harima a samurai of Shizawa. He was very fond of fish-
ing and one day left his swords with his servant and waded
into the water with his net. He went into the boundaries
of a neighboring daimyoy and was taken by two guards and
bound up with his net. With tears of blood he begged off,
but keenly felt his disgrace as the story got around. He
had much desired that which is not for samurai, and so was
led into these misfortunes.

On the New Year's day following he went to the great
gate of the neighboring daimyo, and there, in the crowd, cut

lOO Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

down one of the best samurai and fled leaving a card with
this writing, — '* I cut him down to cover my shame." They
searched the neighborhood but could not find him. Next
day he cut down another samurai, left his card and dis-
appeared, and again, on the seventh day repeated his
exploit. They could not find him. Once to do such a
deed is easy, to do it three times showed his strength and
audacity.

I used to tell tliis story while I was employed by the
Kofiu ; and once, wlien in Kadzusa my attention was at-
tracted by a man standing among the farmers. He kept
looking at me and averting his face as he caught my eye.
He did not seem an ordinary man, and I went to his side
and asked who he might be ? At first lie said,—''* I am
of this place," and averted his face. But as I insisted at
last he said, ** I am the Takadaki whom you once knew.
This was the home of my ancestors, and hither I fled and
was taken in for my family's sake. When I heard that
Arai was here I came to see if it was indeed you, and was
overcome with shame as I recalled the past."

Father told me anotlier stor>\ of an Echizen man named
Kurv4xi who had disap|K*ared. Years after, fatlier was
crossing the 1 lakonc pass, going to I iarima in the west on
business. Just beyond I lata he s;\w a coolie with a bundle
ixf w^.Kxl» and fussing him a little hoard a call. He looked
back auil s*\w that the c*.K^lic had Uiid down his wood, taken
iho cloth tVvMU his face, and was coming toward him. " So,"
iv* toll the slv^n* in t'athcrV words. " I turned back and he
said, * You do not ronKuibcr me ? I am Kurobci. Why
arc vou sv> foolish a< to come here alone ? ' Then as I
Kv^kv\{ at him I so^Mticd to remember him. but as in a dneom.
so Ullon was he, * \ low did vo;i oonw to this ? ' I asked

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haktiseki, loi

and told him of myself. So he said, * As you have leisure,
and I wish to talk with you come to my house. It is near.'

As we went togctlier he said, * I have an aged father, and
as I could not support him otherwise took to his work.
When I saw you I could not restrain my desire for a talk
of the old times, though I was ashamed to call. But father
is very old fashioned and will not see strangers, so I must
explain to him. Wait here a little.*

So he left me and went into a wretched hut, but soon
came again, and took me in. There was an old man of
eighty making a fire. * I have nothing for guests ' he said,
' but must not be shamefaced before my son's friend. You
shall have such as we have, and pray spend the night.' So
lie gave me rice mixed with wheat and some bulbs. I^ter
on he said, * I interrupt your talk,' bade us good night and
went into another room.

We sat by the fire, feeding it with faggots, until after
midnight and then he went into his father's room and
brought out two bamboo sticks. From them he took his
swords fine in make and beautiful in ornament. He wept
and said, ' As a samurai I could not support my father,
and he had no one else. I sold all but my swords. These
I shall keep while my strength lasts. As you see, my
father is not long for this world. If I can support him to
the end I shall be happy. Afterwards you may meet mc
again.'

The next morning he prepared food for his father and
me, went with me a distance on my way, and took his
leave I never heard of him again.

Father was unmarried when he entered the Kobu's ser-
vice. He adopted a boy named Ichiya Masanobu, the son
of a dear friend. Ichiya became a retainer of the Kobu's

1 02 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki,

second son and went with him to Dshu. When father
retired, Ichiya supported him until I was able to do so.
I^ater, Ichiya gave his possessions to his eldest son and
became a priest. He died soon after 1 obtained my position,
and his eldest son soon followed him. Then his second
son died, and now his property is in the hands of his
son's son.

Father was well past forty when he married mother.
Their first two children were girls, and both died before
they were three. The third was also a girl and died when
nineteen, and my younger sister died at eighteen. Father
was fifty .seven, and mother forty two, when I was born.

I do not know certainly of my mother's parents. I knew
her sisters, elder and younger. When I was old enough
to understand, I earnestly asked after my grand parents but
she replied, ' Nothing should be concealed from a son, but
I'll not tell you. Often have men of rank been born of
humble mothers and it will not disgrace you to be ignorant
of your mother's family. But this much I will say, all
know of my father and my grandfather. The latter was
distinguished in Nobunaga's history; and my mother's
grandfather distinguished himself in the Korean expedition.'
My mother told me this in detail, weeping bitterly.

Mother was in the service of the Lady of Gcishu,* and
went with her to Oshu when she became a nun. There
mother met and married father.

She wrote a fine hand, composed good verses, and read
many books. She taught all this to my sisters. She was
a skillful player of ''go'' and chess, and taught me to play.
She had the finger tips for the " koto'' She thought

* The wife of the lord of Geishu.

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haknscki. 103

women should weave cloth and make clothes ; and she
made father's and mine. I have some of her making still.
The proverb says, " like marry like," and so it was with
my parents. They were alike in words and actions.

When father shaved his head, mother did the same. She
was sixty three when she died. The Kobu had died when
father was seventy five. He was very ill at the time but
recovered after he had been given up. He would not
resume his office. The Kobu's heir pensioned father and
praised him highly for his faithful service for so many
years. Father and mother shaved their heads, and took a
small dwelling in the temple H5-on, Asakusa.

The next winter, Yorinao's distant cousin, a Minister
of Kobu's and an intimate friend of father s consulted him
about deposing Yorinao and making his young son heir.
Father vainly tried to dissuade his friend, as the attempt
was premature. The scheme failed and I too lost my posi-
tion as I belonged to that party. (26th March 1677). My
younger sister died the same year, and mother, sorrowed
by these things, took ill on the 20th June 1678 and died
suddenly on the 22d. So father was left alone.

In April 1679 Yorinao lost his rank and his son was
given only a fraction of his possessions. The son sent for
me, but I refused to go while father remained in disgrace.
It was done as I wished and I went to the young man. He
had as yet no *' true name," and at his request I gave him
one, Tatenao. Thus a way was opened for me * and I
took service with Furukawa no Shosho, Masatoshi, Asson
Hctta Chikuzen no Kami, Tairo.

Now I purposed to care for father, and the 15th July

* While in disgrace he could get no enii^loyment. His new aUow-
ance was 500 koku.

I04 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusekL

1679 he spent with me in talk and mutual solace. He
went home the next day and the day following I heard
that he was ill and went to him at once. He was dying.
He heard that I had come, opened his eyes, took my hand,
and died as one goes to sleep.

It was only an hundred days after I had become a samu-
rai. It was a great grief; but he was comforted as he
knew that I had a position and that his name had been
cleared. He was eighty two years old.

I remember father well, as he was when over eighty. He
had remained unchanged from my youth, and this both
because of his natural superiority, and his careful habits in
every thing. I well remember hLs oft repeated teachings
and especially the following : — " Men should persevere.
Attack the greatest difficulty first, and the others will not
seem formidable.'* I have greatly profited by that, and
especially as to my temper, for I am naturally impatient
and restraii myself with difficulty. But with good fortune
I have passed through many dangers, and my years and
strength decay together. Probably I am not so impulsive
as in the past. I desire this teaching to be handed down
to the future members of my family.*'

Again father said, — *' I left home when thirteen and lived
among strangers. I have had many intimates and have
kept their friendship by avoiding avarice and lust. Men
differ by nature, rank and education but all alike destroy
friendship by these two vices. As my teacher said. Lust
and avarice weave a hatred nothing can undo. Let old
and young beware of them."

Knox : — AiUobiography of Aral FlakusckL 105

CHILDHOOD AND EDUCATION.

The Kobu's mansion burned in the great fire, 4th March
1657^ and all fled to Yanagiwara. There I was born in a
temporary dwelling on March 25. So the Kobu called me
when very young, Spark (i.e. the Son of the Fire). His
mother took a fancy to me and I was much at her dwelling.
The Kobu saw me there when I was three and aftenvards
sent for me daily and treated me with a kindness beyond
that shown his own son. So folks thought me a natural son.

When I was six Oshu Nambu Shinano no Kami, Toshi-
nao, said to the Kobu, " I have no son. Give this boy to
me." But the Kobu explained that I was the son of one
of his retainers, whereon Toshinao said, — *' I^end him to
me. ril care for him, educate him and give him an allow-
ance of a thousand koku.** But the Kobu, for his own and
his mother's fondness, would not. Folks thought it a pity,
as the Kobu could not do so well by me.

On New Year's day, my seventh year, I broke out with
malignant small-pox. The Kobu's mother daily sent mes-
sengers, and priests to pray at my bed side. That fatlier
did not fancy, but permitted it. The Kobu .sent two of his
attendants and was much troubled when they told him that
the doctor had given me up. He told him to redouble his
efforts and sent me medicine with unicorn in it. So the
spots came out and turned red, and folks said, — ** So then
he is for tlie world, but he is not the doctor's son." Dr.
Ishikawa told me this when I was twenty four years old.
When I had recovered the Kobu's mother gave me a feast,
and my savmrai sword and outfit. She died when I
was nine.

lo6 Knox : — AufoNo<:^t'(i/yhy of Ami Hakuseki,

When three years old, I was sitting one day tracing the
pictures and ideographs in the Ueno-inonogatari of people
going to see the flowers, and mother said several of the
ideographs were well made, and showed my work to father.
Others thought it extraordinary, and it was shown to a
number. I saw it in Kadzusa when I went there in my
seventeenth year. I also wrote my name on a screen and
two of the ideographs were well made. The screen burned
in a conflagration. From that time I constantly amused
myself reading and writing but had no teacher and so
studied the pictured guide books.

The Kobu had a retainer named Tonda, who had a com-
mentary on the Taihciki which he used sometimes to ex-
pound in father's house, folks assembling to hear it. In
my fourth or fifth year, I sat up by father and listened to
the end, however late it might be, and then asked questions,
to the astonishment of those present.

When six years old I was taught a Chinese poem with
its explanation and music, so that I could comment on it,
by a scholar named Uematsu, who also taught me two
others. He advised sending me to some good master, but
the old conservatives said ;-r-** No one can become a scholar
without talent, diligence and w^ealth. The boy has talent,
but whether diligent or no we do not know. He surely
has not wealth." And father said, ** The Kobu is too fond
of him to send him away to school." But still the Kobu
took pride in my writing and wanted me to learn, and when,
in my eighth year, he went to Kadzusa, he set me this task,
to write three thousand ideographs every day and one
thousand every evening. When the winter days were too
short for my task, I moved my table out on the verandah
so as to finish by day light, and when I grew sleepy at

Knox : — Atitobiograpliy of Aral Ilakuscki, 107

night I put two ijots of water by my side. Then as I
began to nod 1 threw back ni)' gown and my friend emptied
one of the pots over me, and as I gradually grew dry and
warm and sleepy again, he threw the other over me and so
I got tlirough the task. This was in the winter and autumn
of my ninth year, and from that time I conducted father's
correspondence.

In the autumn of my eleventh year I learned the Tcki-
norai by heart in ten days, wrote it out and presented it to
the Kobu who was greatly pleased. From my thirteenth
year I conducted his correspondence.

When I was eleven father had a friend named Seki,
whose son was a clever fencer, and taught the art. I asked
for lessons, but was refused as too young, w^hen I replied,
" If I cannot use my sword why should I wear it ?" Then
he consented, and taught me one style so well that in a
contest with wooden swords with a youth of sixteen throe
times I was beaten and thrice victorious, the lookers laugh-
ing in their interest. So I took up martial exercises and
read all the old war stories to the neglect of my writing.

In my seventeenth year I saw a copy of the Okina-
Hondo* in the house of a fellow page and borrowed it.
Out of it I first learned of the " Way of the Sages." I
liked it at once and wished to study it, but had no teacher.
However, a physician of .some attainments heard of my
desire. He came daily to the Kobu s mansion, and taught
me the *' Introduction to the Little Learning," and then
the history by Chuki. Day and night I .studied the
" Little Learning " and the " Four Classics." So far the
physician helped me but as I went on to the " Five lk>oks "
I had no teacher and worked at them with a le.xicon and

* Trans. As. Soc. Vul. XX. pp. 13 ff.

io8 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

made many mistakes as I now know. So I studied by
myself, and understood only in part and took up composi-
tion and rhetoric and poetry, making my first poem of fifty
six characters in the twelfth month of that year. Then I
wrote an essay, my first attempt at prose, in explanation of
my verse, as I had heard a man ridicule and criticise it. I
kept these boyish studies from the knowledge of father and
his friends, but as I needed books I made a confidante of
mother.

When twenty one I left the Kobu's mansion and con-
tinued my studies with congenial friends but, for reasons
of my own, without a teacher. The scholar Ahiru of
Tsushima was one of my friends and when, in the autumn
of my 26th year, I was in .service again, and a Korean
ambassador arrived, I sent an hundred verses of my own to
him by Ahiru with a request for an introduction for the
book. He liked the verses, and asked to meet me, and so
I had an evening with him and his two attendants, writing
poetry, and, at the close, the ambassador wrote tlie intro-
duction to my verses, as I had asked.

The same year Kinoshita first took office from the Sho-
gun. (1682). I^ter I went to Yamagata and kept a
journal which Ahiru showed to Kinoshita who was his
master. Ahiru also showed Kinoshita my book of poems
and he liked the books and asked to see me, and so I met
him. When Ahiru died he asked me to request Kinoshita
to prepare his epitaph, and I acted as amanuensis.

So I became a disciple of Kinoshita and very intimate
with him, though the usual ceremonies of initiation were
omitted. For years he had many distinguished disciples,
but I was put at their head and he sent me to teach the
heir apparent of the Shogun.

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki, 109

As I review my life it would appear that I shouki have
made much greater progress had I had good teachers, when
I began to write at three years, study poetry at six, and the
" Way " at seventeen. When employed by the Shogun
I bought many books and was given many, but was so
pressed by my duties that I found little time for reading.
Itefore that I was so poor that my books were borrowed
or copied and therefore few. In this matter of study no
one has been more unfortunate. That I have so far suc-
ceeded is because I have followed father's advice and done
the most difficult task first. What others learn at once, I
master only with ten repetitions and what others with ten,
I with an hundred rcixititions.

YOUTH.

The year before the Kobu died, (I was then eighteen), I
went with him on his usual visit to Kadzusa.

In the middle of the eleventh month I was accused of
leaving my post, when on guard, to see the hunt, and was
imprisoned in my own house. Toward the end of that
month the younger samurai quarrelled and, together with
their relatives formed two parties. All joined one side or
the other and in the beginning of the twelfth month ihcy
met and decided to fight. All father's friends were with
Seki, and were expecting to go to the fight at the hour of
the sheep.

I was told about the affair, and sent a trusty servant to
bring mc word when all should be ready, telling him not

I 1 o Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusckL

to come even when the party should go forth, but to wait
until the fight began. The other servants I told to report
me ill, and in bed with a cold since morning, should any
one call for me. Then I put on my chain armour under my
clothes and went to bed and waited for my messenger. Hut
he, to my surprise, did not come until evening, until the
middle of the dog hour, and then he said ; ** They expected
to start at the bird hour, but men went back and forth and
made peace at last. Uesugi asked me my business and I
told him, what you had said."

The next evening one of Seki's sons called and said, —
** So you were coming to help us?" ** Yes,'* I replied.
*' But you are imprisoned ; and how did you expect to get
out ?' he asked. " By the small gate on the west." **That"
he said, ** is guarded by day and shut at night. How did
you expect to get through?" ** The other gates are strong-
ly guarded : that only by an old man and woman who keep
the key in a little house by the side. Should they let me
out I could go and die and no one be the wiser, nor their
fault be known. I expected assent, but should they refuse
I purposed to cut off their heads, take the key and go."

Whereon he ; — ** My father and yours were old friends
and it was a matter of course that you should help us. But
you were under arrest and could not come out ! To have
killed those two old folks, and have forced the gate would
have been a dreadful crime !" And then I laughed, — ** Was
it not a crime then to collect a band and fight ? You
purposed killing the leading samurai^ I, two old people.
We are like in this — we both purposed killing the people
of our lord, but considering the difference in the rank of
our intended victims my crime was small. But when I
knew of your plan, if I had not joined you the Kobu would

Knox : — Autobu\^riiphy of Aral Hakuscki. 1 1 1

have thoui^ht me no samuiuxi, tliouMi of course he would
have said nothing. Had I been a real criminal I should
have been bound hand and foot, but not being bound I was
at liberty to go out at a time like this. Had I remained
a spectator, the law would have been silent as I was under
arrest, and I might have taken contemptible advantage of
my position and so have saved my life. Or had I been of
the good natured age I might have worked for peace, but
I am not yet twenty, and peace-making is not my virtue.
Not to help my friends would be my shame. You need
not thank me for it. In joining an unlawful deed one more
unlawful deed goes for nothing." He had nothing to say
but went away and told his father, who exclaimed, — ** Ah !
He is his father's son!" and wept joyful tears.

When I was in disgrace I had thought with sorrow, —
Father will not forgive me even if the Kobu does, but
when the Kobu restored me to my old place father was
greatly pleased. Seki wrote him in full of this affair and
he did not ask even why I had been punished. For when
father joyfully showed mother Seki's letter with its account
of my purpose, and conversation with Seki's son she said, —
"Because of this forgive him for the past." As I now
see, this event was the beginning of the sad fall of the
Kobu's house.

When the Kobu died his eldest son succeeded him as
YoshO, lyo no Kami. This man who destroyed his house
was very displeasing to his father, and the two had met
only on New Year's day for a long time. The household
did not know of Yoshii's bad conduct, but thought it a plan
on the Kobu's part to make his son by a concubine his
heir. Yoshu divorced his wife and she bore him a son
afterwards, whom the Kobu sent to Kadzusa and left there

1 1 2 Kfiox : — ' Autobiography of Arai HakusekL

until he was twcK^e or thirteen. Then the Kobu sent for
him that he might show him to the household, but YoshO
thought the boy was to be made heir and kept him away
on v^arious pretexts, and finally let him come only when the
Kobu was fatally ill. So the Kobu died with the thought,
" My house will perish with my son."

So the Kobu's intimate retainers did not look upon
Yoshij as heir, especially father who did not perform his
duties for a day. Yoshu was greatly angered for he knew
it was from distrust, and so he accepted father's resignation
giving him only just enough for subsistence; and did not
kill nor exj^el him. Yoshij feared to do that. Nor did I
get father's allowance but was left unemployed, for I was
not liked as I had been brought up from childhood at the
Kobu's knee.

A year later father was slandered and so Yoshu took
away his allowance, exf)elled us, and shut the door to
employment on me. My parents were cared for by their
adopted son in Oshij and I did not know in the least what
I should do. I became a ronin, with only two followers,
and lived with the merchants. My friends wished to em-
ploy me as a teacher for their sons, but I did not fancy it.
Instead, I attended the lectures of famous teachers mornings
and evenings, and paid my respects to my parents at noon.

About that time I saw my elder sister, who had died
when nineteen, in a dream. I was greatly troubled and at
day break went to my parents. They told me my younger
sister was confined. So I went to her place. Her child
was born easily but sister died soon after. So I was with
my parents more than ever. The next summer I again
saw sister in a dream and hurried to my parents. Nothing
was the matter : but in a brief hour mother was taken ill

Knox. ': — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, \ 1 3

and after a while died. So father and I were left in our
sorrow, lonely beyond expression.

There was an old ronin who had often been at the
Kobu's that came to father and said ; — ** Yoshu will never
employ your son again, for he particularly hates all who
were trusted by the Kobu ; I have known your boy from his
youth and share your grief that he cannot be a samurai.
Now I have a rich merchant friend who has a daughter but
no son, and wants to marry his daughter to a samurai and
will leave all his fortune to his son-in-law. He has en-
trusted the affair to me, and if your son will have her he
can provide amply for you. " It is to talk this over that
I have called.'* Father replied, " Many thanks, but my
son is not a child and I decide nothing for him. Consult
with him." So father told me when next I saw him and
I promised to see the man and went to his place. " Very
many thanks for your kindness," I said to him, *' but I
have other plans and cannot consent." Then I went home
and told father, — " I know it is a grief to you that we are
in such a condition and so poor, but I was born your son
and shall never become the son of another. And in spite
of poverty and of the fact that I cannot be employed any-
where, I shall not forsake that samurai path which my
father and grandfather trod and become a merchant."
Father was highly pleased. ** There are many men of
many minds," he said " and though your father I cannot
decide such things for you. You answered well. It is
filial piety to throw one's self away to help one's aged
parent but such conduct as yours is great filial piety. * I

* Mencius gives the differing degrees of filial pictj. The samurai on
Hakone Pbss p. 13 ante illustrated filial piety but Anii nourished his father's
heart instead of his body and so showed '* great filial piety." He also

114 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki,

purposed to endure this poverty when I resigned my oflfice
and you need feel no concern at all."

Another man planned a physician's career for me and
said, — " Most physicians now-a-days are ignorant and with
your learning and ability you can soon surpass them all.
The profession is not ignoble. Will you not learn it and
so support your father?" But I replied, ** Medicine is for
the aid of others, and I might well adopt this profession
since I have no other prospects. But I have neither the
learning nor the ability, and were I to hurt men I should
not have the physician's benevolence. I cannot do this
well, and the Ancients said, ' Do not kill innocent men.' **

At this time I had a student friend who was the son of
the richest man in Japan, and he said to me, — *' Father
thinks you will be a famous scholar and told me to propose
a marriage with the daughter of my deceased elder brother.
Father will give you a mansion costing three thousand ryo
and all you need for your studies." I replied, " I shall
nev^er forget your kindness but must tell you this old story,
— One summer a man was resting in the Divine Monntain
with his feet in the water when a tiny snake came and
licked his toe. Soon it went away, but only to return at
once grown bigger. It licked his toe again, and a third
time came, still bigger, and took his toe into its mouth.
So when it went away the man put his short sword on his
toe and when the snake came back again, yet larger than
before, it took toe and sword into its mouth and the man
jerking the sword cut the snake's mouth. It fled and he

showed loyalty — by remaining unemployed until restored by his owii lortL
For to be employed by another would indicate that he had been unworthy
of punishment and this would reflect upon his master. " Though the
Lord ceases to l>e Lord, the retainer is still retainer," Sho Kyo.

Knox : — Autobiography of Ann Hakiiscki. 1 1 5

wont into the house and shut the door, and lo, a great
hubbub without. After an hour he went out and there
dead before the house was a monstrous snake, ten feet long ,
with a frightful wound a foot in length across its head.

The story, as likely as not, is not true but it serves to
illustrate your proposal. The small snake got a small
wound, but the cut grew with its growth and became a
foot in length. Should I, ignorant and unknown, accept
your proposal the wound would be small, but should I really
become famous it too would be great. To make a wounded
scholar with three thousand ryo .is not amusing, and besides,
I do not want the small wound even now. Tell your
father what I say." The girl afterwards married a well
known scholar. Father fully approved my act, thinking it
a matter of course and my illustmtion pat.

In the summer of my twenty third year Yoshu's house
was destroyed and, as I have written, I was again given
employment. When twenty-six I was recommended to
Ki no Masatoshi Asson, Hotta Chikuzcn no Kami. In the
autunm of my twenty-eighth year he was killed, having
been charged with plotting against the emperor, though
there was no proof of his guilt. His son was very unfor-
tunate and cut down the allowance of his samurai and
many left his service. I was not in confidential relations
with him or with his father, but would not leave at such a
time, for if one has enough for himself and family such
desertions are not loyal, even though the service be unsatis-
factor}^ It is natural that a samurai should be poor, yet
he must maintain his station, but finally my funds all
gave out.

So in the spring of my thirty-fifth year I wrote out my
thoughts and presented the paper to my lord, asking dis-

lili

1 1 6 K710X : — Autobiography of Ami Haktiseki,

missal. I told my friends I had long desired tins, but
remained because of my lord's misfortunes. They urged
me to remain saying, ** Your livelihood is provided for and
if you go away you lose even that. Consider your wife and
children if you do not care for yourself." But I told them
** either I should have left the .service long before or have
accomplished something i:i it, had he been fortunate. But
in his misfortune it was the duty of a samurai to endure
for years. Now this going forth without knowing the
future and with wife and children, will show my true quality
and purpose. Heavens knows all, and there is no such
fear as you suggest." But my lord made no reply, nor
told me his thought and so summer passed into autumn
while he refused his consent. In the early autumn my
child was born and when I again asked for my dismissal
it was given me.

LFXTURER TO LORD KOFU.

I had, say, thirty cents in money and a few quarts of
rice, so there was no danger of hunger for a few days.
With wife and children I went to the temple Kdtoku in
Asakusa, (we had long been p.irishioners there), and took a
house in the neighborhood. A man servant and a maid
went with us. I tried to dissuade them and told them I
had nothing for them, but they would go and said they
could provide for their own wants.

The younger brother of a man I had formerly taught
heard of our circumstances and most une.x[x:ctedly offered

Knox : — Autobiography of - \rai HaktisckL 1 1 7

to provide for us until I should find employment. Toward
the end of autumn I moved to the cast of the castle and
there the number of my pupils constantly increased and
there were many men of position among them.

The next spring a man named Tani said to me, — ** You
are from a house that is in ill repute with the Shogun and
you follow a master who is unemployed. So your advance-
ment is slow and difficult, though your learning is great.
Consider your interests and change your school." At
first I only laughed at the suggestion, but when it was
repeated the third time I replied : — " You mean it for my
good but you mis'ake. You remember how the disciples
of Confucius still thought his teaching that which they
should learn, even when he was unemployed by the govern-
ment, and suffered with him and followed him out of office
as when he was in power. In gratitude for their favours
we are taught to follow father, lord and teacher until death. ^

My father is dead : I have no lord, and can only follow
my teacher until death." So Tani was silenced. *

Kinoshita recommended me to his old lord, the prince
of Kaga, but a man named Okajima Chushiro, from that
province, begged me to give place to him as he wished to
return to Kaga to care for his aged mother ; but, he added,
the recommendation must come from Kinoshita. So I
told Kinoshita that I was ready to serve any daimyo but
should refuse this appointment as I did not wish to stand
in the way of Okajima. Kinoshita wept at my words and

♦ Hayashi was Minister of Kducation and in favour with the liflh
Shogun. He was the head of the ofllcial scholars. And so Tani advised
Aral to leave Kinoshita and enn>ll liis name, as a matter of form, amon^
liayashi's followers.

1 1 8 Knox : — Atitobiograpliy of Aral Ilakuseki,

said, — ** Such conduct in these times is extraordinary. It
IS wortliy of the ancients !" And he recommended Okajinia
forthwith and told everj'one what I had done.

On the tenth day of the tenth month of my thirty-seventh
year, Koriki lo no Kami asked Kinoshita who was first
among his followers, adding ** Toda Nagato no Kami sent
me to ask." (Now Toda was chief minister of Ixjrd Kofu,
the Shogun's heir.) Kinoshita replied, Arai of course, as
you know." And on the fifteenth he said to mc, " Koriki
has not been here for a long time. Go and see him." So
I went to him and was asked many questions. On tlic
fifth day of the twelfth month Koriki again visited Kino-
shita, told him Toda's views, and arranged for my recom-
mendation. However, Kinoshita thought the salary too
small and said he must first consult with me. He
cmie to me that night, the next day saw K5riki again,
was with me the following evening when I gave him my
answer, and on the morning of the seventh our letter was
sent in.

The first offer was an allowance for thirty men, but
Kinoshita refused at once saying," Though learning can-
not be measured by the pay yet the world judges by that.
Some of my pupils who are inferior to Arai get more than
you offer him. Iksides, he has not always been a teacher
but has twice held office as a samurai and so has his rank."
So Koriki came again and said, " You are right and we'll
give him an allowance for forty men. Let him take that
and we will see as to the future.** Kinoshita would not
agree even then, but I thought, I^rd Kofu is heir and so
cannot be compared with other princes. If I now refuse
I must hereafter refuse all offers unless the salary is larg^er.
We do not know our fate, and I will accept. Kinoshita

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hahiscki. \ 19

thought I should wait a while before answering but I wish-
ed to reply at once and so our letter was sent.

I afterwards heard that Hayashi, Minister of Education,
had refused the place for his disciples and that Toda heard
of me and wished to recommend me but could not, as I
was not enrolled among Hayashi's followers. And this
was the reason Tani had come to me. A follower of
Hayashi got the place, but was soon given other employ-
ment, and then my engagement followed.

On the fifteenth I was summoned to the residence of
Lord Kofu and going on the morning of the sixteenth was
made his retainer by Toda and the other ministers. On
the eighteenth I met my lord, and began my lectures, on
the twenty-second, with an exposition of the ** Great
learning."

At the beginning of the new year my lord said to me, —
" I have thrice read the * Four Classics," the *' Little learn-
ing " and the Kin-shi-roku (A Cento from the Ancients) ;
but still do not fully understand the Way of the Sages.
What should I study now?" I replied in substance that
the four great scholars teach the Ancient Sages' Way for
the government of self and others, and must be our teachers
in act and heart. Great government and great laws are
set forth in the " Five Books " and these must be studied
with the others. You have still time and with diligence
your great ability will .soon be apparent. Let us begin
with the Book of Odes and the l^ook of Rites." So I
expounded the former and Yoshida (a scholar of Hayashi's
school) the latter, in daily lectures.

Toward the end of that month my daughter died of the
small pox and my son had the disease, so I began my lec-
tures on the thirteenth of the second month and, that year,

1 20 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakiisckL

lectured one hundred and sixty two days, finishing on the
twentieth of the eleventh month. I illustrated my lectures
with sketches.

The next year I lectured upon the Hook of History and
as we still had time left each day, at my lord's request, we
read the History- of China by ChQhi. That year I lectured
seventy one days and ended on the eleventh day of the
twelfth month.

The following year I began the Spring and Autumn,*
using the great commentaries, and Yoshida lectured on the
Hook of Changes. For six years I lectured on the Spring
and Autumn, one hundred and fifty .seven days in all, and
kept on with Chuhi's history until my lord's death, t

After my lecture we usually went to another room and
took our ease. My lord would ask me questions about
China and Japan and especially as to the history of the
House of Tokugawa. So, at his request, I wrote a history
of all the daimyo of more than ten thousand kohi. I
would first make an outhne and, as he approved, would fill
it out, making careful inquiry of the different daimyo. I
began to write on the eleventh of the seventh month and
finished in the tenth month. The history was chiefly oc-
cupied with the events of the eighty years from 1600 to
1660. It relates how the estates of 337 daimyo were won,
inherited, augmented or decreased. It is in twenty parts,
one part introduction, two for conclusion and index and
ten for the Tokugawa family. I wrote tlie preface myself
and presented it to the Shogun, the eighteenth March,
1702. He named it Hankanpu.

* A history by Confucius.

t The work is in 500 vols. 'Hie Five Hooks are llie five classical
Scriptures of the Chinese.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 1 2 1

At first I expounded the Book of Odes, then the Four
Classics with the Book of Filial Piety, and parts of the
Book of Rites. After my lord became Sho<jun I went as
his messenger to Kydto, and when the Korean embassy
came I met it. Excepting these times, nineteen years
were given to learning and I lectured 1299 times before
my lord. Others also lectured occasionally or regularly,
especially on the Classics and thus history and the Classics
were studied thoroughly. I have heard of no other ruler
so fond of learning in China or Japan.

In the end of the. autumn of 1695 my lord told me to
make a list of the books he should read, and, with Kino-
shita's help, I made one, naming one hundred and some
tens of works. In the twelfth month he set two men to
cataloguing his other books, and their list embraced two
hundred works in Chinese and Japanese. He told several
of us to put our own mark on any work we desired,
but each so deferred to the others that very few were
taken. I took only eleven books of those left by the
others, for some of the works I Ixad and others I thought
more useful to the other retainers. But my lord detained
me and said, ** Here are some books I am particularly
fond of. I send them to your son ;" and he gave me the
Six Classics. The next New Year's day I made a special
feast for Kinoshita, showed him the books and got him to
write an introduction for them.

The fifth October, 1698, my house was burnt and my lord
sent me fifty gold ryo to help build my temporary dwelling.
Others of his retainers lost their dwellings but I was the
only one thus favored. But as I could rebuild with my
own funds, and as the gift would be lost should the new
house bum, I determined to buy something with the money

122 Kn(yx : — Autobiography of Aral Ilakuscki,

that could not burn. So I bought a suit of armour and a
hehiict, and thus showed my readiness to die in his service.
I give them, with the sword 1 afterwards received, to my
eldest son that my descendants may know my purpose.
Five years later, December 1703, my house again burned,
but the armour and hehnet were saved and I have tliem yet.

Kinoshita died the twenty-fourth December 1698 (aged
J^i) and at his request I had charge, with another scholar,
of his obsequies.

Yearly, when the lectures began, we had an opening cere-
mony, and the courses of study for the year were deter-
mined. At the end of the ceremony I was always given
two suits of clothes.

lectures began on the fifteenth day of the first month
and were continued, even on ordinary festivals days, until
the end of the twelfth month, being interrupted only by
very great events.

When I became feeble my lord bade me come in the
evening during the hot weather, and in the middle of the
day in winter. He had a fire box set between us and an-
other behind me when the weather was very cold. When
it rained or snowed he always sent a servant to bid me
stay at home.

He wore his robes of cerembny at the lectures save in
summer when he wore his unextended robes and a Itakafna,*
He did not sit on the dais but on the mats, nine feet from
me. Even in the hottest weather he did not use his fan,
nor brush away the mosquitoes, and when he had a cold
he carefully averted his head when he blew his nose.
Though the lecture laiited two hours, all present sat im-
movable throughout.

* The skirt worn In* sainumi.

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusekL 1 2 3

Spring and autumn he took me with him to his villa, and
gave me a special apartment with wine and tea. • Often he
asked us to write verse.

My lord gave me costumes at the four seasons and at
the end of the year gifts of gold and silver ; and he began
this before he became Shogun. When he moved to the
Castle he sent very fine silks for my wife and children in
the spring, and in the sunmier fine thin silks for them, with
cakes. He often sent these last, and this became the
custom and was continued by his successor, although it
was done for no one else.

THE GREAT EARTHQUAKE.

On the thirtieth of December, 1703, when I was living in
Yushima, Hongo, at one o'clock in the morning I was
astonished by a violent movement of the earth. Ojiening
my eyes I seized my sword and rushed out as the slides
about my room and those about the house fell. Going
to the rooms of my wife and children, I found them gone.
There was high ground at the back of my house which
I feared, and so we gathered at the front and lAit wooden
slides (doors) under us lest the earth should open.

There I left my family while I put on my robes of
ceremony and went to my lord's, taking tliree servants
-with me and leaving the others with my wife. We went
on the run. I feared I should be very thirsty and had
taken out some medicine and put it on one side while I
dressed, but disgracefully forgot it as I ran out in my haste.

1 24 Knox : — Autobiography of Arat Hakuseki,

As I hurried by the east gate of Kanda Myojin there
was anotlicr violent shock. All the merchants left their
houses and gathered in the plaza, and I told them to put
out the lights in their shops for fear of fire. At Megane
bridge, I met my wife's younger brother going to our
place, and told him to. go on and take charge there.

Crossing the bridge I turned south, then west, then
south again, and by the light of the moon saw a man on
horseback in the middle of the street. It was Fujieda,
lord of Wakasa, and he had been stopped by some water
whose depth he did not know. Followed by my servants
I jumped across and wet my feet but put on other sandals
and went on. At Kanda bridge there was another terrible
shock. The crash of houses was like the breaking of
chopsticks, and the cries of men mingled with the noise.
The stones of the castle wall fell on the dogpath with
clouds of dust. We thought the bridge would fall, and
were separated from the bank by a gap of three or four
feet which we jumped, and ran into the gateway. The
boards which covered the plaster on the houses shook
like cloth and fell with a crash.

As I came to the Tatsu-no-kuchi, I saw fire arising in
my lord's enclosure, and as it was low down feared the
mansion had fallen. So I was greatly troubled and my
heart rushed ahead at such a pace that my feet seemed
to .stand still.

Going a quarter of a mile or .so I heard a horse, and
looking back saw I^^ujieda. — " I am greatly troubled by the
fire," I said, '* you are the lord of Waka.sa I take it."
** Yes," he answered, " pardon my preceding you." At
the Hibiya gate the guard house had fallen and I heard
cries of the dying. A little further on was Fujieda, dis-

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 1 2 5

mounted, stopped by a hill of tiles fallen from the guard
house of the Sakurada gate which his horse could not
pass. ** Please come with me/' I said, and we climbed
over and went in. As we went in through the small gate
we saw that the guard house had fallen and was in flames,
and that the mansion still stood ; and we were comforted.

The great west gate stood o\)^x\ though the guard house
had fallen and Fujieda passed in, but I said, " I'll go
through the small west gate as usual." Ikit the buildings
had so fallen that 1 could not get in, and I again met
Fujieda and took him to the kitchen entrance where we
got through at last. The ceiling was hanging from one
comer but I |>assed through and went to my usual place
near my lord's. There I met the present lord of Echizen,
Zembo Asson and asked him of my lord's safety, and told
him 1 had ventured to come without waiting to be sum-
moned, and we went to my lord's apartment. The roof of
the verandah on the east, was covered by a house which
had fallen on it, and the attendants were all in the garden
at the south, and they told us that my lord was in the
garden still beyond. Toda, Koidc, Inoue and others were
in the south garden and we consulted with Igarashi who
was in charge of the apartments and took out some ten
mats and spreading them in the garden all sat down.

The shaking continued and the hills by the garden
pond fell, making the broad pond narrow. Sakae Saemon-
no-jo Masatada was commanded to put out the conflag-
ration ; and indeed w^ere it to continue we should all have
to move again.

My lord was dressed in hakaitia with an outer robe, and
as he went to the south of his ai)artment he .saw and
called me. I went to him, and was asked about past

1 26 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki.

earthquakes and then he went to his apartment. When
day dawned he said, ** I shall go to the office." I said
in the ear of the lord of Nagato, ** With these severe
shocks continuing is that wise?" "No," he replied, **but
I could not venture to stop him," and, meanwhile, he was
gone. As I could not accompany him I went to see
the fire.

Many bodies had been pulled from the ruins, and as
the wells were dry there was no water, except in the
pond and it was forbidden to use that.

The lord of Oki took me to breakfast to Zenbo's house.
During the night I had eaten nothing but a trifle Dr.
Sakamoto had given me from his sleeve, which I had
soaked in water, and I was very hungry and ate much
and drank some wi le. Going away, as I passed the house
of the lord of Ichi, I was invited in and given tea.

When I heard that my lord was returning I went to
meet him, and went back across the gardens with him and
his two ministers to the place where he had asked me
about the earthquakes. He said that the crowds reminded
him of the throngs he had seen in his youth wlien he
went to Ueno to see the flowers.

The fire was put out at last ; and at one o'clock my
lord came out again and called for me and asked about
my family. I told him I had heard nothing since the
previous night when I had left them. Then he said, —
** When I went to my villa at Yanaka, I was told that
your house stands at the foot of a hill." " So it docs/' I
replied. **This shaking may continue fur days," he said,
and if there is another shock as severe as last night you
need not come again. Now go home."

As I went out 1 found some of my people. Those

Knox : — Autobiof^raphy of Aral Hakuscki. 1 27

who had come with me had been relieved by others, and
had been back to my house and had come again ; and
their report that all was well removed my anxiety. I got
home at three o'clock in the afternoon.

The next day when I went to my lord's, I found that
the mansion was so aslant that a temporary building had
been set up on the eastern ix)lo ground and that my
lord w^s there.

The earthquakes continued and I feared fire. The
plaster had fallca off my storehouse and I had it moistened
and put on again. As I expected, on the night of the
sixth there was a fire. I put all my valuables in the
storehouse ; but as I feared the plaster would fall off
again with the repeated shocks we dug a big hole, and
put my books and manuscripts in it, covered it with six
mats and put earih on top and fled. The neighboring
houses burned and when we returned we found one had
fallen across our hole and was still on fire. We put it out
and pulled away the timbers They had displaced the
earth and one of the mats was on fire. We pulled it away
and put it out. The store house was unharmed ; and we
laughed at our misplaced labour.

PROMOTION.

On the thirty-first of December, 1704, my lord was made
the heir apparent. I hurried with my congratulations as
SOCHI as I heard the news. All passers were stopped at
Tatsu-no-guchi because of the preparations for his removal

1 28 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Ilakuscku

to the western castle. Giving my name and business I
was permitted to pass.

At my lord's mansion I met a crowd of officials who
had come to accompany him ; and I sought out Zembo
Asson who was eating. I sent in my congratulations
through him and said, as he finished his meal. '* Tell
my lord that I have nothing to add to my instructions
given in the years past. Remember them and it will be
well with the empire. I came to say this." Afterwards
I was told that my lord replied. — ** Surely I shall not
forget them. Have you forgotten, Zembo?"

Then I remained at home for twenty days or so when
a man .said to me, ** All Lord Kofu's retainers have been
promoted and made retainers of the Heir Apparent ex-
cepting ycui and me. Others sent in their petitions and
I shall send in mine. Join me." But 1 replied, ** That
him we served so long has reached this exalted position
is enough. I ask no other reward. In spite of my worth-
lessness I have long been his teacher and now shall do
nothing on my own account unless summoned. I prefer
to ri.se or fall in accordance with the precedents and for
the sake of the empire. Though others petition yet with
these views I cannot. Thanks for your infonnation but
I cannot act with you."

After one day, on the evening of the twentieth, I was
told that preparations were being made for the promotion
of .several of us to the immediate presence of the Heir.

The twenty-first, at the monkey hour (four p.m.)
Z'jmbo came for me and I uent at once. Others also
had been detailed for our reception, there were seven of
us, and conducted us to the appointed place and there
three nobles met us. Zembo and Koide gave us our in-

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Ilakuseki. 1 29

struction from the ITcir and then all dej^arted, I only
being asked to remain. I was told who were my supe-
riors, what would be my duties and my place of atten-
dance. Koide said to me, ** Our lord's affairs arc now the
affairs of the empire and we alas ! are wanting in ability
and knowledge. Do not fail to remonstrate and advise
freely for we depend upon your great learning." This
was when we two were alone. Alas ! Shortly after he
died, through evil fortune. Zembo came to me after the
others were gone, and told me the events of the past
weeks and when my lectures should begin and their hours.
I went home an hour later. (After this I entered my
lord's enclosure by the middle gate, passed her grace's
apartments and entered my lord's private rooms.)

On the twenty-third came a letter bidding me to the
New Year's festival.

The next day I went to the castle and on the eleventh
began my lectures, and continued daily as before.

On the twenty-third of September, 1705, I was advanced
one grade in rank.

The next year, twenty-fifth of June, 1706, I was given
land, timber and two hundred ryo for a new house, and
removed to it on the second of September. On the seventh
of the same month I was permitted to go to the castle
by the private gate of the mapletree hill and the back
entrance.

When my lord's child was born, I was informed with
the family and went with them to pay my respects.

When my lord heard of my removal he gave me per-
mission to use another entrance to the castle. I lived
near the Pheasant bridge and the gate was a small one
near by. On the last day of the month I was invited

1 30 K7tox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki,

to the ** No '* performance in the castle in honor of the
infant, and 1 went in company with its uncle, the younger
brother of its mother. (This child lived only a little
while.)

On the seventeenth of December, 1706, 1 was summoned
to the castle. Tlie night before there had been an earth-
quake, that morning there were sounds like thunder,
ashes covered the ground like snow and a thick cloud
in the south-west flashed like lightning. As I entered
the castle the ashes covered the ground, and trees and
grass were white. My l(3rd had gone to the palace of
the Shogun and returned at the sheep hour (two p.m.).
The heavens were black as I went to him and I lectured
by candle light. The ashes ceased fdling in the dog
hour, (eight p. m.) but the earth continued its shaking
and roar. On the nineteenth again the heavens were
darkened, tliere were thunderings and at evening ashes
fell in abundance. We learned that day that Mt. Fuji
was in eruption. Black ashes fell constantly until the
eleventh of January (1708). On the twentieth it snowed
and every one had a cold. On New Year's day it rained
heavily. (23 Jan. 1708).

On the first of March an edict commanded the removal
of the ashes from the base of Mt. Fuji, in the four prov-
inces of Musashi, Sagami, Suruga and Mikawa ; and as
the expense was great, a tax of six ?y3 per hundred koku
of land was laid upon each daimyo.

On the fifteenth a new currency called " toju " was made.
In April was a wonderful fall of white hair, some of it
coming on my own ground. Folks fiirther reported
many wonderful things, but I put down only what I saw.

Toward the end of July the people who lived near my

. i

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Ilaknscki. 1 3 1

house were compelled to move, to make room for the
erection of a new palace at the north of the castle.

Near the end of September a law was issued forbidding
the cutting of horses' hair, and all, both those led and
those ridden, soon looked like beasts from the wilderness.

In early November the ** toju " were issued.

In the same month three laws for the protection of
birds and beasts were issued, and so even men whose
duty it was to ride walked instead and led their horses.

Shopkeepers disliked the ** tbju " and would not take
them, so the government conmiandcd every one to send
in his promise to accept them at once, and while this
work was still incomplete the year ended.*

The Shogun was ill, and my lord held the New Year's
reception in his stead. (loth Feb. 1709) I was ill and
remained at home. In the afternoon of the tenth I saw
a great hurrying to and fro and in the evening was
astonished to learn that the Shogun was dead. (20th
February 1709).

* The **/(^«" were inconvenient in .sliape and worth only three
tenths of their nominal value. The jxiople naturally did not want to use
them and very severe jienalties were threatened. Tor the laws al>out
beasts see supra p-3 intri». The new mansion was llie (inal extravagance
of the fifth Shogun.

►><—

BOOK II.
ADVISER TO THE SHOGUN.

CHAPrrER I.

Tlir: SHOGUN'S TREASURY.

On the tcntli day of the new year I heard of the Shogun's
death and we were all summoned, for the next day, to
the western castle. I took a confidential communication
for the Shogun and purposed sending it to my lord by
Zembo but he was so occupied that I could not see him
and I sent it in by his younger brother, Akihira. I had
written of the three most important things that needed
immediate reform. That evening rain fell, the first since
the second December.

I went daily but did not meet Zembo until the fifteenth
when I asked as to my papers. On the 17th the " toju "
were recalled, and again it rained all night. At this time
the removal of the dwellings from the north of the castle
was likewise stopped.

On the nineteenth the Shogun asked me about the
Gcmva-rci^ of leyasu and I went home and wrote an ex-
position of it and before I had started the next day was
summoned in haste. And that afternoon as I intended
to go home the Shogun sent for me again. That day
the decree for the protection of birds and beasts was
rejxialed.

* The Gt-imui-ici is a colled ion of laws or maxims for the guidance
of ihe Tokuj^awa House, supposed to have been formed by leyasu.

Knox : — AntohiograpJiy of Ami Ifakuscki. 1 33

The funeral rites were on the twenty-second. They had

en postponed because of the rain which fell from the
7th to the 20th. *

Many servants of the late Shogun desired to become

riests at his death and Kippo his prime minister was

old to select eleven. He himself wished to be of the

umber as he had been especially favored by his master and

ad been elevated from a low position to his present

nk. The Shogun recognised the force of his plea but

vould not grant the recjucst as it did not accord with

sage and might be made a precedent. Hut Kippo was

old that he might resign, give his honois to his son

nd then become a priest if he so wished ; and this he

-^id.t

On the 1 8th Hayashi, Minister of I^ducation, was told

"9.0 write the epitaph for the late .Shogun, as this had been

"•he duty of Hayashi's house for generations past. So

lie wrote it and on the 19th i)rescnlcd it with his j)roofs

"that it accorded with the precedents. But I showed the

Shogun that it was badly written, mistakxii and not ac-

* The Classics teach that llic actions of statosmcn inlUicncc Heaven.
"The evil laws of the late Shojjun brought Fuji's eniplion, carlh<iuakcs,
^a, and drought ; but their rci)eal brouj^ht the lonj^cd for rain. The
iimeral was postponed to permit the rc|)eal, for the Classics say, "Change
not your father's way for three years," but by a legal fiction while the
late Shogun was unburied he was not dead and the rcfxial was ix)ssible,
as his act.

t During ancient times certain servants were buried with their
lords, but later images were substituted for the men. During the ages of
feudal strife the custom revived, as an expres.sion of enthusiastic loyalty
and love. I^eading samttrai desired the honour. The custom was finally
aholished in A.D. 1664. ^^"t the ministers and confi<U'nlial officials gave uj)
office — and, as alwvp, often entered monasteries on the death (»f tlieir lord
— construing literally the maxim — a samurai cannot serve two masters.

1 34 Knox : — Autobiography oj Ami llakuscki,

cording to precedent. So I was bidden to write one and
mine and Hayashi's were sent to the priest in Nikko
who judged that mine was right. So it was sent to
Hayashi and he was told to write with it as model, and
so he did.

On the 27th I sent in another communication to the
Shogun : — ** leyasu was endowed with courage and wisdom
and won the Empire. Moreover, his long line of illus-
trious ancestors so transmitted their virtues to him that
he was enabled to bequeath the ICmpire to his heirs. He
had many children and while some died young four be-
came lords of great provinces. The second Shogun had
three sons but after the trouble of the lord of Suruga
only the adopted son of the lord c)f Aidzu was left, be-
sides the heir. Two sons of the third Shogun became
daimyo. The fourth Shogun had no son but, at his
death, adopted his brother as his heir. He had a son
who died immediately his father became Shogun, and as
there was no other son Lord Kofu was made heir. Thus
twice has the line failed and twice have heirs been
adopted since the third Shogun, surely a grievous thing
within an hundred years of leyasu. It has not been
without its cause.

" Now that your Highness has become Shogun I deeply
feel the need of a reform in the government, and for a
renewed connection with the virtue of leyasu for Heaven
has taken notice of the evil. However, after my teaching
for so many years I need not dwell on this.

But one thing ^ihould be done at once, lA:t the children
of the Emperor no longer be forced to become monks
and nuns but </ive his sons establishments and let
his daughters be married. Xobunaga began the work

Knox : — Autobioi:;rapliy of Arai Ilakuscki. 1 35

of restoring the state of the Imperial Family, Hide-
yoshi continued it and leyasu completed it but still the
Prince Imjxirial only is provided with an establishment.
The others are left as before, to save expense as other-
wise the family mij^ht become too numerous ; and to
avoid entanglinej alliances and a possible revolt against
the Tokugawa rule. Neither reason is good. The Toku-
gawa Shogun prepare estates for their children. Even
common men do the same and it is the esjx:cial wish of
men of rank. Why should the Kmpcror only be for-
bidden to provide for his own ?

** The expense will not be too great for the Empire to
sustain, as the number of the Emjx^ror's family is or-
dained by Heaven and cannot be exceeded. So in the
Tokugawa line there have been two failures in an hund-
red years."

" Nor is there danger from alliances. When as in the
<jenji and Hojo times there is misgovernment, though the
lEmperor's sons be priests th.y may leave their retire-
xncnt and head armies like Takakura-no-Miva and Dai-
^o-no-Miya. If the government is good there is no cause
ibr fear, and if evil there is no escape ; so let us stop this
3)ractice and set up establishments for the sons, and marry
the daughters to the members of the Tokugawa family."

The Shogun listened attentively and said so great a
proposal needed careful thought. Both suggestions were
adopted.

This one thing I did for the .country which gave me
birth and whose Imi)erial favur I had received. *

♦ Tlie Shogun in this acicd ai;ain.st ilic .idvicc of the officials. lie
cstal)lishe<l the family of Kan-in-no niiya and from this branch of the
ImiJerial House comes the present I'lniiKior, II.I.M. Mutsuhito. The only
time the advice as to the dauj:;hter.s was ftillowed was in 1861.

136 Knox : — y lutobiograpJiy of Arai Hahtseki.

But alas ! as I liad feared in secret my lord died and
the line was broken a<^ain, though the present Shogun,
through leyasu's wise plan, continues the family to the
blessing of the lunpire.

My argument was very long and gave the Chinese and
Japanese precedents. It is not easy reading for the un-
learned, and I have put down here only its brief outline.

I also urged that the Shogun's investiture be brought
in haste from Kyoto.

On the 14th of March (1709) I was called to the castle
and told the following by Zembo Asson at the request of
the Shogun : — Since the funeral as the ministers have been
on duty in turn in the castle this has been the topic of
their discussion viz. — Our Lord must take his proper
place at once and occupy the palace of the Sh5gun with-
out delay. Now the custom '.is that the palace of the late
Shogun be destroyed and a new one built for his succes-
sor. But the treasury is bare and we cannot build.

Under the late Shogun, Okubo, Lord of Kaga, was
minister of finance and he left everything to Shigehide,
Lord of Omi, Kippo Lord of Mino, and Shigetomi Lord
of Tsushima, Kaga did not know the condition of the
treasury and the other officials were still more ignorant.
Everything was in Shigehide's hands and this is his
statement of the present situation, —

The income is 4,000,000 koku of rice and 760,000 or
770,000 gold ryo. 40,000 ryo were from the Nagasaki
customs and 6,000 ryo from the Kdo sake tax .300,000
ryo go for salaries and the remainder is for all else. But
last year the expenditure was i ,400,000 ryo besides
700,000 or 800,000 ryo needed for the new palace in
Kyoto. So the deficit is v^ery large. Even were the late

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki, 137

Shogun still alive we should have nothing, but now we
need in addition money for the elaborate ceremonies on
the forty-ninth day after the late Shogun's death, for the
erection of the mortuary chapel, for the Shogun's new
palace and for the ImjXirial palace in Kyoto. We have
only 370,000 ryb in all ; of this 240,000 ryo is the balance
of the 400,000 ryo collected Tor the removal of the ashes
from the base of Mt. Fuji. This balance we had pur-
posed to use in the erection of the palace to the north
of the castle. But should it be used for prcsent needs it
will not meet the tenth part of them.

Kaga-no-Kami was astonished at this statement and
found, on consultation with Shigehide that the expendi-
tures of the late Shogun were twice his revenues and that
the treasury was thus exhausted. So in 1695 the gold
and silver coinages were debased and that year and tlie
following a profit was made of 5,000,000 ryo and so the
deficit was met. But all was used in the expenditures
entailed by the earthquake of 1703 and the deficit re-
appeared. So in August 1706 they again debased the
silver and yet the deficit was not met. So last year
Tsushima-no-Kami advised the debasing of the copper
coins " having no other means to meet the deficit."

As Kaga-no-Kami knew nothing of all this the other
officials simply adopted the plans of Shigehide, Omi-no-
Kami. The Sh5gun had known that the treasury was
bare but had not imagined such an extremity. He can
not find it in his heart to debase the coinage further and
desires some other means of relief But Omi - no - Kami
replies to him ; " Though blamed for debasing the coinage
what other resource remained ? How else could the govern-
inent have been carried on the past thirteen years and the

138 Knox : — Atttobiography of Arai Hakuseki,

suffering caused by the earthquake and other calainities
hav^e been relieved ? Hereafter, in good years we can
easily restore the value of the coins.*' And all the officials
agreed with him, that calamities cannot be guarded against
and that Omi-no-Kami's suggestion is the only one pos-
sible. But the Shogun exclaimed, — " Though that sounds
reasonable still had not the coinage been debased perhaps
the calamities had not come. * And if others come there
will be no remedy remaining and the Tokugawa house will
end with me ! Why then should I torture the people ?
Find some other remedy ! '* When the Shdgun said this
those present wept bitterly and could say nothing, until
after a little Akimoto Tajima-no-Kami said, " We thank
you for your words '* and all withdrew. The Shogun
tells you to consider this subject well as the discussion
affects the whole Empire.

As I listened to this account I thought of the funds in
Osaka and further that last year's revenue must be still
on hand as only the funds of the last year but one could
be used for current needs. But on inquiry I was told that
all was gone. In leyasu's time thirty great gold pieces f
had been made and stored as a resource for need in time
of war ; but I 'was told that only one or two remained.
But still I sent this answer to the Sh5gun. — " The Book
of Changes says, " When things are at the worst a way
appears." And now, though the funds are gone yet the
Empire is the Shogun's. Why should he be troubled. I
will arrange his affairs."

* Again the theories that natures evils arc punishments for misgov-
ernment.

t These were stored not in leyasu's time but in the period Manji'
Each contained 44 fnvan 700 nie.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki. 1 39

Before this occurred I had another matter I wished to
lay before the Sh5gun, and so that ni^ht I wrote and on
the morrow sent him two papers through Zembo. Their
import is summed up in the words of Confucius in the
analects when he undertook the government ; — " Be careful

and so use truth : Be economical and so cherish men :

•

employ men with regard for the times ; " and in the Great

Learning, ** If producers are many and consumers few :

If users use slowly and workers work fast, there will ever

be enough." This I have taught so thoroughly in the

past that I need not enlarge upon it now, but if we act

upon it the treasury will be full in a few years. To stop

the debasing of the currency is to confer a blessing on

the people. The ceremonies of the forty-ninth day, the

erection of the mortuary chapel and the investiture must

go on whether there is money or not ; but were the

treasury full, it would not accord with filial piety to destroy

the old palace and build a new one at once. Business

can be carried on in the castle and let the Shogun abide

in his present mansion. By and by when there is money a

new one can be built.

I do not agree with Dmi-no-Kami that we have only
370,000 ryo, for the money spent last year was collected
the year before and we have 760,000 ryo of last year's
taxes still. (Omi-no-Kami had reasons of his own for
concealing this.) So in all we have more than 1,100,000
-ryo. Need I add, that things required at once may be
paid for later on ? Pay what we must, postpone what we
may, say a half, and we can tlo all. Then let a propor-
tion of the late Shogun's debts be paid each year till all
is paid. As of old Feng I of the Later I Ian dynasty
said, " Let the nation not forget the attacks of the northern

1 40 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakusekL

tribes," so I beg that our condition be not forgotten but
that care be exercised ; and a great blessing will be bes-
towed upon the Empire.

The Shogun was greatly pleased with my counsel and
when I went to the castle on the sixth, further debasement
of the coinage and the destruction of the late Sh5gun*s
palace had both been forbidden. This was the first of my
being consulted on affairs of state. *

SUNDRY AFFAIRS OF STATE.

On the twelfth of March I sent in a memorial to the
Shdgun concerning tlie pardoning of criminals. The fol-
lowing is its import : — Of old the pardoning power was
used for the rectification of errors or for the relea.se of
those whose relatives needed their aid ; but now it is used
indiscriminately, for those whose guilt is great as well as
for those whose offence was small, for the convicted as for
those still unconvicted. Relatives i)etition and the gov-
ernors decide and then summon all who are pardoned to
the temples and there set them free. But unless there is
a petition even those who deserve pardon are kept until
death. Besides the pardoning is in Edo only and thus
prisoners under the daimyo and hatamoto get nothing ol

* ** After my i)Ctilion ( )mi-no-Kaini i>crMia(lcd the Shogun to build the
new palace, since the funds were so unex|>ectetlly large ! It cost more
than 700,000 ryit and the mortuary chajjcl cost 200,000 r\'d, OfBcials
great and small thought only of their own profit and merchants and
artizans were of the same mind. The evils of the late reign were not
thoro ighly reformed and now they l)egin again."

Kfwx : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, 141

"^lie benefit. It is not a great forgiveness, but a petty fol-
lowing of ancient precedents. It is no longer as of old
SI blessing to the people through pity.

The officials of the late Shdgun were intolerably severe ;
<br a bird or beast's sake a man was put to death, all
tihc family suffered with the criminal and no one could
Idc in peace. Even when not imprisoned parents and
ohildren were made beggars. Truly the people suffered !
How many thousands and tens of thousands thus suffered I
cio not know. Relief can now be found only by a great
I>ardoning throughout the Empire. *

Precedents show however that such release of prisoners,
in China and Japan, has been at times of revolution or of
l>ublic rejoicing, not as now at the death of a ruler. Do
Ave not teach criminals to desire the Shogun's death ?
The proverb says, " One blessing cannot conquer ten
thousand curses."

But all should not be changed at once. On the 49tli
X>ardon according to the usual custom and later, when you
src invested, make a general pardoning for the whole Em-
pire. As I Wu said, " In general pardoning is some
Teason and great evil;" and Chu-ko Liang said, '* Let the
government exhibit great virture and not bestow small
£Lvors ; " and Sun Yueh said, " Pardoning is for extra-
ordinary times : it is not the rule.*' When the Empire is
in confusion because the government does wrong and not

* Criminals would be convicted only after confession. Torture was used
%o elicit confessions, but many were kept in prison a life-time unconvicted,
t.heir cases not being decided. The pardon in j; jwwer was intended to
»ight soch wrongs. The taking to temples and freeing there contains a
Viint of the Buddhist merit-making by Iniying caged birds and setting them
free in temple grounds.

142 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki,

because the people commit crimes, then we must pardon.

My paper was discussed and further particulars were
asked. On the 17th my daughter's illness, it was small
pox, kept me at home. On the 20th the mother of the
late Shogun died and a messenger brought the news. On
30th the decision as to the pardons was reached.

The Shogun examined the records of imprisonments
during the late reign, being buried from night until morning
with the reading, and released 956 persons. On the death
of the mother of his predecessor he pardoned 92 others,
and the daimyo and hatamoto released, throughout the
Empire, 3737. When he was invested, 8th June 1709,
he pardoned 2901, and the daimyo div^A hatamoto 1862 more.
No such pardoning had been known since the establish-
ment of the Tokugawa regime. *

The daimyo did not agree at first as they thought there
was no precedent, so I was commanded to write out the
reasons for my proposal. And from this time the Shogun
examined the records of the courts himself and then passed
them on to me, when I wrote my opinion and sent it to
him and, finally, he made the decision. This showed a
care for the people that was unparalleled.

At my request the Shogun forbade gambling, the ex-
tortions of the firemen, street walking and private pros-
titution. The sons of the members of the Loyal League
were pardoned at this time : actors were forbidden to wear

* " This year measles and small pox were epidemic and so many died
that the fish flew over only a house or so in a distance of three squares.
My second daughter and one of my sons were so ill that the doctor could
do no more, but they got well, *by the help of Heaven* the doctor said.
Perhaps he was right. Tlie Book of Changes says, — ' Thunder, rain, then
clear weather.' So came a blessing to the people."

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki. 143

swords and to associate with other folks : the wearing of
silk crape, the visiting of temples in a series by women,
and the cutting of the hair of beggars, were also prohibited.*

On the 1st of April the decision as to the intimate officials
of the late Shogun was announced : all hatamoto of more
than 10,000 kohi were promoted one grade and the ranks
were established. The women of the late Shogun were
sent to their homes, f

On the nth of May the new regime was formally
instituted, and on the 13th 730 sons of hatamoto were
summoned to the Shogun s presence and presented their
congratulations through Zembo Asson.

On the 28th of April I had asked that my son might
be presented and the Shogun not only consented but pro-
posed to give him an office usually bestowed only on the
sons of very high officials. But I did not wish precedents
violated in my favor and so declined this very great and
especial honor, and my son was given the same office with
the sons of other officials of my rank.

On the 6th of June I was invited to attend the investiture
with the officials nearest my lord and was loaned then
proper robes. At the ceremony, the 8th of June, I stood
nearest the Shogun. I was also present at the ceremonies
of the lOth and the nth, when the ambassador of the
Emperor from Kyoto was received and dismissed. And
at the further ceremonials observed throughout my lord's

* The lioyal League avenged the death of their lord by killing his foe,
and were commanded to commit hara-kiri and their sons were punished.
The story is well told by Milford in " Tales of Old Jaj^an." 'ITie visiting
of the temples by women led to immorality.

f " He was fond of women and called in any one who took his
fancy, afterwards keeping her in charge of Kip|X) and Terusada."

1 44 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HahisckL

life I was given a most distinguished position near his
person. This honor was bestowed because of my minute
knowledge of the ceremonies.

On the 29th of July I sent in another memorial calling
attention to the condition of the Shogun's arms and stand-
ards, which had been so neglected during the many years
of peace that they were useless. The Shogun privately
told his officials to make the needed repairs and have all
in readiness for the festivals of the next two years ; and
he did not inspect his armoury that year lest shame should
be cast on the memory of his predecessor.

On the 9th of August the Shogun's son was bom and
called, temporarily, Serada instead of Tokugawa, accord-
ing to custom. * And in connection with this birth I
told the Shogun there were ten things I questioned in
the ordinary account of his family line. The documents
sustained me and the Shogun was much impressed with
my accurate information. I had stumbled upon certain old
books and letters that gave much information while
looking up my own family line.

On the 25th of July I was consulted about the promotion
of Her Grace to the third rank, and the following day
the honor was bestowed on her. f

On the 5th August I was summoned to the castle but
was too ill to go until the 1 3th. That day I was greatly
honoured and was made a hatamoto with 500 koku of

* '''Ilie year was an unlucky one, and children Iwrn in such a year
were temix>rarily disowned, taking some oUier family name, that fate might
be cheated."

t The Shogun varied in rank, and each rank from 9 to i had two
grades. Only three in all history had the higher grade of i. Yorilomo
was only Sho-shi-i.

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, 145

J snd in the villages Nara and Koshibata in Hiki town
.hip, and Nohira in Saitama township, province of Musa-
ihi. Later in connection with the Korean affair I was
[iven 500 koku of land more and my title was Chikugo
:m-io Kami. Finally I was made a samurai of high rank.

I have written elsewhere of my interviews with the
IRoman. *

. My lord gave me permission to enter the castle at any
^ime, day or night, by any of the eight gates, and this
in spite of the protest of his council that such permission
"\Aras unprecedented, the Shdgun replying, — ** He is not
like the other officials."

I was present at all the ceremonies, the Shogun made
:Kme his representative at the coronation of the Emperor
^nd entrusted the reception of the Korean embassy to
»Tie. He took me with him on his excursions and at the
:^easts given to the father of Her Grace. I was given the
Xionor of drafting memorials and writing explanations on
'^he laws, to the chagrin of Hayashi, Minister of Education,
^ince these duties belonged to his family and office.
I£ut he was incompetent.

Murakami Ichi no Kami Masanoa brought a stick from
UCyoto a foot in circumference which disclosed in its
^rentre the characters, ten-ka (empire). I told him it was
j>art of a persimmon tree and he asked how I knew that,
adding that it had been found among the firewood in a
temple, and had been sent to him when the words were
^discovered. So I told him that old books narrate how
^%vords written on the bark of persimmon trees when
;^roung, grow black and gradually sink into the wood.
' Jlhere is nothing wonderful in it. And another man

' ™ ' - - — — - 1 — —

* For his interview with the Abbe Sidotti see trans.

146 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

brought a paper with tenka taifiei (great peace to the
Empire) written on it, and thought it the work of a spirit
in China ! But I told him that the paper was Japanese
though the writing was like that of a spirit ** What!"
he exclaimed, ** have you seen a spirit's writing ? *' But
I told him, ** No, it is merely that the writing on this
paper resembles a man's writing much as a horse formed
by the clouds resembles a man's drawing of the animal.
There are references, in ancient books, to writings by
gods and demons, but such beings can do nothing in
these times of peace. This writing is nothing." When
my reply was repeated to the Shdgun he remarked,
" His discernment is wonderful ! The words were written
by a child who had been bewitched by a fox." After-
wards when more wonders were found growing on a
stone in the garden nothing was said to me about it.

My lord had been fond of the " «^ " and had taken
part in it, but I opposed it and told him that the em-
peror of China who was fond of such exhibitions des-
troyed the Empire. When commanded to explain in
what respect the " «i; " resembled those improper Chinese
dances, I wrote out my reasons and sent to my lord fifty
six volumes concerning the dances in China. Some argued
that as leyasu and other Shogun took part in these plays
so might our lord ; but I told them that Confucius said,
** Put in history that only which is worthy of record,"
and that the Tokugawa shame should not be written
in its history. Hideyoshi made leyasu dance that he
might be humiliated and lemitsu only danced before leyasu
his grandfather. After my lord became Shogun he occa-
sionally saw the *' no'' but he never invited me.

For the former Shogun, Hayashi had written an ac-

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 147

count of the immediate ancestors of leyasu and it was
loaned to my lord, and one day Zembo Asson read aloud
its account of the murder of the father of leyasu, and of
the killing of the assassin by the by-standers as he fled.
And the Shogun said to me, ** It says leyasu's father
was wounded in his leg ? If that was all and he let his
assailant escape what will people think of him ? Hayashi
supposes that the immediate murder was shameful and so
substitutes this wounding. There is nothing of this
wounding in the leg in your account. Hayashi does not
understand the true samurai spirit." So my lord bade
me write this history, but alas ! before it was ready he
had died. *

SOME JUDICIAL DECISIONS AND THE
EMBASSY TO KYOTO.

On the 22nd of the 6th nK)nth, Zembo Asson told me
the following : —

Diiring the late reign there was a quarrel between two
temples in Nara. The decision was reached, but before the
seals were affixed the Shogun died, and now two priests
have come and stated their case anew, saying that the
fatlier of her Grace knows all about it. Tokyu-in Saki

* " Hayashi asked to resign when my lord succeeded, but I asked him
to consider what a disgrace it would be to Hayashi should he accept the
resignation. It is true he was Kippo's creature, and wrote the petition
which got Kai for him and so his own promotion, and assisted in Kipix)'s
schemes. A man with such a heart should not l>e entrusted with the
guidance and instruction of others. The Sliogun fully ai^rced, and Hayashi*s
resignation was not accepted."

148 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki.

no Kampuku, Saki-hisa had two sons, the elder became
chief priest of the Sonke, Dai-sho-In of Ichi-jo-In, and the
younger the general Nobutada. leyasu was a great friend
of the father and going from Fushimi to Kyoto slept at
his house and had much talk with him. Once when the
elder lad was eleven leyasu said to him, " I have been
here often and have given you nothing. What will you
have?" And the boy replied, *' Authority and means to
restore our parish temple." Remarkable ! said leyasu. The
boy became a student in the temple, rose to be its head
and restored it. When leyasu became Shogun he did
not forget his promise but gave much land to the temple
" for the advancement of learning." But as he added no
requirements as to the ability of the incumbent the posi-
tion became merely hereditary. When the son of the
Emperor Gomidzu-no became head of this temple it was
still farther enriched.

During the late reign the chief priest was installed
during a convocation on the sixth day, and the priests of
the other temple, the Dai-jo-In, thought their chance to
get the privilege of preaching before the Shogun, with
authority over the order, had come, as their chief was
brother of the wife of the then Shogun. So after much con-
sultation the land given for the advancement of learning
was taken from the first temple and given them, but before
the seals were affixed the Shogun died. Now these two
priests have come asking that the grant made by leyasu
and left intact for generations be undisturbed. The whole
was in the writing of the btigyo and the Shdgun sent it
on to me with orders for my opinion. His own was
annexed. I took all home with me and the next day
reported as follows : —

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 149

I have not yet gone fully into the case but I cannot
believe this story. When leyasu was in Fushimi and
went thence to Kyoto after making peace in Osaka, this
eldest son, so the records show, was already twentyfive
or twenty six years old, and when he was eleven there
was war between Takeda of Kai and Hideyoshi, and
leyasu had no leisure or opportunity for such a journey.
The story is false and therefore I cannot agree with
your judgment. The biigyo of the late Shogun had ample
reasons for their decision. If now we reverse it the
quarrel will not end at all, but will break out between
Hieisan and Midera. Shokoku claims that the decision
was made because of tlie relatives of the wife of the late
Shdgun, but if we reverse it we shall never escape the
imputation of having acted for the sake of the relatives
of your wife. If you will leave it to me I shall do my
best. I do not return the papers but at your command
will write another decision.

The Shogun sent for me, assented and told me to
follow my own judgment. I finally sent in two volumes
of manuscript on the affair and the officials of both
temples were called and examined. The representatives
of the Ichi-j6-In could not answer me, and the Shogun
asked if I could not suggest a peaceful solution. But
these men pleaded illness and so obtained leave to go
home, and on the 25th of the ninth month the Shogun
gave his decision and both parties retired. All is written
in full elsewhere and I give only an abstract here. *

* The representatives died of chagrin. It was proved that seals and
documents had been forged. Even the defeated party acquiesced in the
final decision. The head of the defeated l>arty was a relative of the wife
of the Shogun.

1 50 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

Another case was still undecided when my lord became
Shdgun. It concerned the rights of the people of Yase
on the Eisan domain, and as the poor folk were greatly
inconvenienced by their long stay in Edo he bade me
decide it. The villagers had long been in the habit of
cutting wood and grass on this land in spite of an
ancient prohibition, but recently the prohibition had been
strictly enforced and the people could not gain a liveli-
hood. I sent the Shogun my opinion, but he decided that
the previous decision could not be reversed though there
was much to be said for the villagers. So he proposed that
an equivalent should be given them in land elsewhere. This
was done. I wrote the decision in Chinese and my lord
put it into the mixed style himself, a great condescension.

In the winter I was in Kyoto I climbed Eisan and
returning passed through this village. While my atten-
dants made my lunch ready I went to a house by the
wayside and talked with the old woman in charge.
*' My son is in Kyoto " she said and in reply to my
questions : — ** The prohibition took away our livelihood
but, now, through the great blessing bestowed upon us
we feel as if we might live. We do not understand
farming but we shall learn."

The Shogun asked me to prepare the programme for
the ceremonies when he should visit the Confucian temple ;
and again, I wrote an account of the ceremonies to be
observed in the worship of the national gods according to
the Shinto rites.

On the 27th of September I was appointed messenger to
Kyoto and given 100 gold ryo for my expenses. I was
told to start after meeting the Loo Choo ambassador in
October, and was privately told to return in December.

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki. 151

On the 31st of October I was formally appointed repre-
sentative of the Shogun at the coronation in Kyoto, and
was given five gold pieces, and then, being called before
the Shogun was given two sets of robes and one suit of
outer garments. The same day I was given orders for
men and horses for my journey. On the 7th of November
five pieces of rare and costly silk were given me and on
the 13th the Shogun sent for me, as I was to start on
the morrow, and with his own hands gave me a medicine
case and a wallet.

I had purposed going after the arrival of the ambas-
sador from Loo Choo, but he was detained by contrary
winds and was at Otsu when I entered Kydto on the
20th.

I saw the coronation on the x 2th of December and soon
after was told to delay my return until after the enthrone-
ment, one hundred gold ryo additional being given for my
expenses. So I wisited Csaka, Nara and Uji, and returned
to Ky5to on the 6th of January.

The enthronement was on New Year's day, (30th
January 17 10) and I was favored with a near view of
His Majesty's face.

Hearing that the Loo Choo embassy was at Fushimi,
on its return I went to the Satsuma mansion there, as I
had been asked, and met the two sons of the king of
Loo Choo.

I left Kyoto on the 19th of February and was back in
Edo on March 2nd. On the 14th I was summoned to tlie
castle and was commended by the Shogun in person.

1 5 2 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

THE KOREAN EMBASSY.

After I had been made a samurai of rank in July of
this year I was bidden to arrange for the reception, enter-
tainment and farewell of the Korean embassy ; and on the
1 8th of September was told to meet the Koreans at Kawa-
saki and one hundred gold ryo were given for my ex-
penses. Fourteen gold ryo more with orders for men and
horses were added afterwards.

At this time I was made a ftatamoto with the title
Chikugo-no-Kami and my robes and all things necessary
were given me at once, having been prepared at the special
command of the Shogun.

On December seventh I went to Kawasaki at the horse
hour (i2 m.) and met the ambassador at evening. The
next morning we started at daybreak and came to our
hotel in Asakusa in the middle of the sheep hour (3 p.m.).
I gave the necessary instructions to the people and in-
formed the Shogun of my return. On the next day was
the ceremony attending my assumption of my new rank.

On December 20th was the Koreans' audience, on the
23rd was their feast, on the 24th they gave an exhibition
of horsemanship, on the 31st was the farewell and on Jan.
8th they took their departure.

I have written a full account of all this elsewhere but
as it made much talk I set down an outline here.

Our relations with Korea had not been satisfactory for
an hundred years. When leyasu came into power he sent
an embassy to Korea but as the Koreans and Chinese
hated us because of Hideyoshi's invasion, they sent an
embassy in return only after a year. When it arrived

Knox : — Autobiography of Ann Hakuseki. 1 5 3

lyeyasu was engaged in war and there was no time to
arrange the proper ceremonies. * But a precedent was '
created that was followed for generations instead of the
ancient usage, and this to the great injury of our honor.
As Confucius teaches that ceremonies are formed in the
course of an hundred years, the Sh5gun f decided that
this usage must be carefully considered and reformed. He
consulted with Hayashi, the Minister of Education, but as
his response was not satisfactory, at first privately and
then publicly the whole affair was entrusted to me.

The question of title was the most serious of all. From
the Kamakura times the Koreans had called the Emperor,
Son of Heaven, and the Shogun, King. % I'l Hidetada's
time however they had come to call the Sh5gun Nippon-
kohl Taikniiy (Great lord of Japan) a title objectionable on
two grounds, first, because taikiin is applied to officials
in Korea and second, because it has been applied to the
Emperor in both China and Japan. Contentions arose
about this and it was decided to return to the title king,
and Tsushi ma-no-Kami who conducted the negotiations
with the Koreans was commanded to inform that govern-
ment. This he neglected to do.

It was also decided to stop the Korean custom of
sending presents and letters to our officials, as the practice
was not according to our ways nor was it desired by
them or us.

In March a letter came from the Korean officials setting
forth their ideas but we did not follow it. We changed the

* leyasu was not yet sufficiently secure in his position and so would
not meet them.

t It was now a hundred years after leyasu.
J Nippon Tcnno and Nippon Koku-o.

1 54 K710X : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

following particulars ; — We substituted a meal of four
courses for the great feasts of fifteen courses morning and
night, and of thirteen at noon, which had been given them
in the past. They had been entertained more elaborately
than the Emperor himself and it was a heavy tax upon
the daimyo whose possessions touched the route of the
Koreans and who were obliged to furnish the feasts. Our
proposal was to give our guests the same treatment ac-
corded our ambassador in Korea. We added money for
their other expenses. This change occasioned no debate,
as the feasts were very tedious to the Koreans, and they
preferred the money.

We next insisted that they should cease to ride into
their inns in their palanquin and should come forth from
their apartments and descend to the courtyard to meet
the messengers of the Shogun and bid farewell to them.
This followed ancient precedent and the conduct of our
ambassador in Korea. They refused compliance and the
feasts appointed for Osaka could not be given. The
Koreans urged recent precedents and the discussion was
very great. They left. their palanquin and entered their inns
on foot, but they wholly refused to meet the representative
of the Shogun on the lower floor. They would not discuss
the matter but merely said, *' We were told to follow
precedent," so Tsushima-no-Kami's people determined to
hold the Korean men at arms and to carry the ambassador
below by force. Then the Koreans complied with our
demand.

Members of the Council of State, in the past, had met
the ambassador at his successive lodiiinLrs with salutations
from the Shogun, but we sent lower cjfficials instead of the
rank of those whom the Kinci of Korea would send to

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 1 5 5

greet the Japanese ambassador. The Koreans accepted
this change.

In their reception at Edo the following changes were
made ; — Instead of the secretary, the ambassador himself
must present his credentials to the Sh5gun at the first
audience. The ambassador cannot be treated, as here to
fore, as of equal rank with our Sanke (the three Tokugawa
houses which might furnish an heir to the Shogun on the
failure of the direct line) ; nor shall representatives of the
Sanke wait upon the ambassador at the feast. That is
not done for our Emperor, nor does it accord with ancient
precedent nor with the treatment of our ambassador in
Korea. This last occasioned a discussion that had not
terminated when the hour for the feast came. The Shogun
arrived but the Korean did not come. The officials would
have yielded rather than keep the Shogun waiting,
but I would not yield and finally the ambassador gave
way, and the feast proceeded as the Shogun had directed.

The ambassador objected to my use of a certain ideo-
graph in our formal reply to their communication, because
the ideograph occurred in the name of the seventh ancestor
of tlieir king. They insisted that the word be mutilated.
I refused. I told them the custom applied only in the
relations of son and father, and of vassal and lord, and
not at all to international intercourse. Besides, the rule
applies only to the fifth generation, and when by mutual
. agreement the rule is followed in international relations it
never applies beyond the fifth generation. Why should
they forget, too, the precept that bids men never to do
to others what they do not desire for themselves, since in
their letter to the Shogun they had used an ideograph
which was part of the Shogun's father s name. They

1 5 6 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki.

became rude in their replies and I refused to continue the
discussion. But they would not give up, and went to
Tsushima-no-Kami and asked him to mutilate the word
privately, as otherwise they could not survive their return
and war might result. So I was again asked to agree,
but I replied that all the other matters were trifles com-
pared with this and that I would die first. So next they
went to the Shogun and he decided that the ideograph
should be mutilated, on condition that the character in the
Korean letter should be treated likewise. So it was settled.
In all this our countrymen opposed me mc»re than the
Koreans themselves. *

The officials did not consider the Shogun's commands
but only my affairs. And for such cause men of old
forsook the world and superior men did not delay. So,
without waiting a day, as soon as the Koreans departed,

* ** At Edo the Koreans were astonished at the great state of the
Shogun and arrayed themselves in their great robes of state for the
audience."

As to the ideograph, the Koreans would not return to Kor6a with it
unchanged and Ilakuseki would kill himself were it changed ; and so it
was that the Sh^un interfered. Tsushima-no-Kami tried to bribe Ilaku-
seki, being himself in Korean pay, but Ilakuseki cared nothing for private
gain but purposed suicide should be fail. And so it was the Shogun
trusted him.

(Tlie idea in mutilating the ideograph was this. Confucius says,
Thou shalt not lightly use thy ruler's name, and so the names of rulers
were never written in full but were mutilated, written and pronounced in
part. Nor might the ideographs comjwsing them be used in other words.
Cf. the Jewish usage in the writing of God's Name, and the taboo of
Pacific Islanders.)

The Korean ambassador was put to death on his return homd and
none other came afterwards.

(It is said that Hakuseki purjx)sed to kill the ambsssador as well as
himself.^

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki. 157

I sent in my resignation to the Shognn through Zembo
Asson.

Zemb5 took it without a word but soon summoned me
in haste at the command of the Shogun. I did not know
why I was called but went at once and the Shogun,
with Zembo Asson as intermediary, said ;— ** I am asto-
nished at your action. No doubt it is caused by the talk
that goes on. Others have criticized your course from
the beginning and I know the source of their remarks.
International intercourse either benefits or injures both
countries and is of great importance. As your ideas
pleased me I entrusted all to you and you had your (5wn
way in spite of the protests of the ambassador. At the
last this matter of the writing unexpectedly came up, but
even then I told Zembo Asson that I had left all to you
and that you would make no mistake. I did not wish to
lose all we had gained because of this one point. As
the Buddhists say, * One form, two bodies,* and this ap-
plies to you and me. And I added to Zembo, Chikugo
no Kami's errors are mine and mine are his, see that you
do not blame him but act with him in all things, and it
will be as I wish. I have nothing more to say. I am
sorry this has occurred, but if he resign now folks will
think all has been wrong and everything will be undone.
It touches not him only but me also. So include me in
whatever you think of him and lead him to give up his
purpose."

I wept as he spoke of " one form and two bodies '
and accepted his decision without a word.

On the 9th of January (17 10) I was again summoned to

^ the castle, and going on the loth Zembo Asson told me

that the Shogun bade me listen, and not decline his gift.

158 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

Then Kaga no Kami Tadamasa told me that my domains
were increased and Zembo Asson said; — This is only a
trifle, a remembrancer, for the Sh5gun knows you would
not accept gifts that should accord with your merits."
His wisdom was great. I had done nothing but I yielded
to his desire and accepted his gift.

We should examine all we see or hear, that we may
know its history and reason. Such investigations were
called "science'* by the ancients, and I have found greal
advantage in following this rule even in seeming trifles.
For example, when a child I read an account of house
construction which excited my curiosity, and I pursued
the studies especially in regard to the ancient forms oi
gateways, and this enabled me to speak with authority
when the new gate into the castle was built just before
the coming of the embassy. So too, our letters in reply
to Korean communications of late had been sent in silver
boxes with gold rings and red silk cords, but when the
Shogun asked if we should use such an one this time I
recalled an ancient box of quite another pattern which I
had seen in Kyoto and we imitated that. Again Tsu-
shima no Kami had the entrances to the inns in Osaka
and Kyoto hung with curtains and arranged seats in a
certain way, but in Edo we had all si)ecially made for
the occasion and the Emperor's representative from
Kyoto highly praised them. And once more, when
ordered to meet the ambassador at Kawasaki I gave
careful thought to my dress and remembered the detaih
of similar occasions in ancient times. So I decided thai
ordinary robes would not do and obtained an appropriate
costume from the Shdgun. My hat had a colored rim
my robe was purple, its skirt was drawn together, ant

Knox : — Autobiography of Arm Hahiscki. 1 59

my sword had silver ornaments. I put shoes in my
palanquin, and when the ambassador met me at the gate
of the inn I put them on and left my palanquin. But
only men who understand our national institutions and the
ceremonies of the Shogun's court can discuss these things.

I add several items to this account of the Korean em-
bassy ;-^When I went to Kyoto early in the year as I
passed through Ogaki, in Mino, there were notices af-
fixed to the houses along the way, saying that an inch
from one housefront, a foot from another and six feet
from a third and so on, be taken off. Asking the reason
I was told that Tsushima no Kami had commanded it
so that the street might permit the passage of the broad
banners of the Koreans. Asking further if this was their
first passage along this route I was told they always
came this way. So when in Kyoto I wrote the Shogun
asking that the thing be stopped and he so ordered. It
was simply a plan for extorting money.

Now it had always been the custom for the daimyb
to furnish horses and men for the use of the embassy
on route, the eastern daimyb providing for the western
section of the journey, and the western daiinyo for
the eastern, and each daiviyo for just one day's travel.
But this time the western daiwyo arranged for the west
and the eastern for the east, and each daitnyo for two
days, thus reducing the number of daiviyo called upon
and the number of horses and men required by more
than half. Daimyo who were too distant or two poor
were excused altogether. * When the Shogun told me to

* It was part of the Tokugawa j)<)licy to weaken the daimyo by
exactions, and so this duty had l)ecn arranged so as to require the greatest
expense and the least real service.

1 60 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki,

arrange this service he was surprised when I had the
plans all ready the next morning.

At the feast in Suruga the principal members of the
embassy were, heretofore, waited upon by nobles, but
I objected as this gave double duty to these lords who
already were burdened by the feasts and relays of horses
and rlien. furnished. Besides, on my journey to Kyoto I
had noticed the particularly fine appearance of the people
of this province, caused by the long residence there of
leyasu. So I proposed that this duty be entrusted to the
sons of merchants, who also would perform it better than
rural samurai. It was so arranged.

THE BURDENS OF THE PEOPLE.

The 29th of July (1710) was an extraordinary event, —
four thousand one hundred and sixteen men from eighty
five villages on the fief of Murakami, Echigo-no-Kami, pre-
sented charges of misgovernment. The magistrate decided
to punish severely the petitioners, but the Shogun bade me
look into the case. The magistrate's statement was as
follows : — " When, last year, Matsudaira, Uky5-no-Taiyu
Terasada, received this fief certain of the farmers asked

In all of these negotiations with the Koreans it was Ilakuseki's pur-
pose to force a recognition of the Shogun as the full equal of the Korean
king, and to refuse to allow the Shogun to be treated as the Minister or
lieutenant of the Mikado. His contention as to the mutilation of the
ideograph in the dispatch puts that in the clearest light, especially his
reference to the use of the character which occurred in the name of the
Shdgun's father in the Korean dispatch..

Kfiox : — Autobiography of Arai Ilakuscki. 1 6 1

"t^o be taken under the immediate government of the Sho-
^un. When the request was refused they went home but
the people of their villages refused to pay taxes and to
obey the local officials. So more than fifty of the leading
men were brought to Edo and here repeated the same
request. Though repeatedly told that it cannot be granted
they refuse to listen to us. Now shall we inquire further
or shall we punish these men at once, and send officers
to command all the rest to submit to their daimyo under
the penalties of death, banishment and confiscation of their
estates ? " This was the statement that was sent to me
and with it letters written by the deputy of that province.

On examination, however, I found that the deputy had
only rumors without proof for the charges he made, viz.
that all the people had bound themselves with oaths that
if the fifty-eight men in VAo were put to death one
hundred men more should go to Edo with a like jxitition,
and if these should suffer then all the people would follow
them ; that these folks look upon officials as enemies
and liave sold and sent off in boats the grain and grass
which they should pay as taxes ; that they are deaf to
the remonstrances of the local officials, with many other
things of the same sort. (It was said that the people
purposed insurrection, with their priest as leader, but this
charge was not in the documents.)

I sent in my opinion the next day, and this is its out-
line : — '* I have examined the papers. As these people
cannot appeal to their dainiyb they must appeal to the
Shogun. They have committed the slight offence of not
obeying the deputy; but on mere rumour, the magistrate
adds the serious charge of rebellion and proposes the most
grievous punishment, a course surely not befitting the

1 62 Knox : — Atitobiography of Aral Haknseki.

* parents of the people.' Did they purpose rebellion they
would not sell their grain but would buy more, and did
they purpose rebellion without preparation it were a small
matter. But these farmers who desire to become the im-
mediate tenants of the Shogun do not purpose rebellion,
but seek redress for evils that are unendurable. I will
be the surety that their intentions are not evil. The matter
has been left to officials who hate the people and are
hated by them, and so the truth is not discovered. For-
tunately this paper suggests further investigation. Let it
be made by men good natured and merciful."

So the men proposed by the magistrate were passed by,
and three other men were told to make an examination.

It proved that the petition was not caused by Echigo-
no-Kami Murakami at all. Sixty years before Matsudaira
Yamato no-Kami received the Murakami castle and forty
thousand kokii of land in Mishima and Kambara townships.

The year before last Honda Nakatsukasa Taiyu Tadanaga
got the castle and twenty thousand koku of the land, the
other half becoming part of the Shdgun's estate. * But a
part of Honda's domain was from fifty to seventy miles
from his castle, and there were two big rivers and the
Shinano river between. The large embankments were con-
stantly out of repair and were very costly to mend. Besides,
in the original fief were ten establishments of officials, and
eight were left on the moiety which remained with Honda.
So the farmers petitioned to become tenants of the Sho-
gun instead of the farmers who lived near the castle.

* Tlie former Shoguii changed alx)ut the weaker daimyo at his pleasure
taking valuable lands for his own and giving others of nominally the same
in exchange. Naturally the daimyo made up their losses by increasing
taxation.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Ilakuscki. 163

But the deputy would not consent. So three men were
chosen by the farmers to lay the matter before the
magistrate but nothing came of it. Next they thrust a
petition into Kawachi-no-Kami Masamine's, palanquin as
he passed along the highway. The magistrate resented
that and imprisoned the men. Shortly after, Murakami
became daimyo and the magistrate released the men and
told them : — ** With a new daimyo there is no reason for
your petition. Go home at once." So they went home
joyfully, supposing they had gained their cause, and all
the farmers rejoiced. But there was no change made. As
they did not understand this, the three representatives again
appeared, but were put in prison with their fathers, brothers
and sons: and there two of the party died. No judg-
ment was given, and as the farmers did not know where
to pay their taxes they did not pay them at all. The
situation became unendurable. In March of this year
(17 10) the magistrate sent for fifty-eight of the leading
farmers. Now the commissioners decide that the farmers
are in the right, but fear to decide in their favor lest an
unfortunate precedent be created, and the authority of the
magistrate be destroyed. So they command obedience at
all costs.

But the men declared that the families would be beg-
gared and scattered by the local officials if no change
were made. ** Let twenty or thirty of us go home and
consult with the people" they went on, **and then we
will reply.*' Most of the officials wished to refuse consent
and the Shogun again asked my opinion. I replied, ** The
proverb about setting a tiger free upon a plain has its
application, but not in this case. No trouble will arise
from this visit and if it is not made, how shall the villagers

1 64 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haktiseki.

know of your sympathy? Moreover, the complaints against
the local officials must have attention." So thirty two of
the men went home, and in the middle of September came
again with the local officials, who were to be examined
by the three commisioncrs. In October came another
report from the local deputy, saying that the farmers had
constantly met for debate, since the return of the thirty
two men and that their grain had bei*n garnered. Im-
mediately twelve men came from the farmers to the Shogun
to thank him for his kindness. There was a further ex-
amination of both sides, and the officials had no defence.
For example, during the previous year, in a space of eighty
days they had taken nine hundred and fifty 7'yd from the
farmers for the expenses of two deputies. It was without
excuse and this was only one thing out of many. And
the reports about selling grain were false.

The Shogun's decision was given on the 22nd of Decem-
ber. It left the land with Murakanu', forbade such practices
by the local officials and redress.ed the farmer's grievances.
On the 1 3th of February the farmers paid their taxes for
the two previous years.

At tlie end of the year a conflagration started near
Shinobazu pond. A strong wind from the north west
was blowing, and more than ten thousand houses were
burned. There have been many such great conflagrations,
and in some of the wards the houses liave been burned tens
of times. Men cannot live in peace, prices rise and the evil
spreads far. I, with some of the officials, was asked how
such fires should be prevented. I named fifteen causes
for them, four of Heaven's decree, two of the forces of
the earth, four of men, and five of the want of efficient
ne.ins for extinguishing them when started. The causes

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, 1 65

set forth by the firemen and magistrates were not sufficient
to account completely for the fires. All recommended the
enlargement of the wall in Shirokanecho and this was
done. I differed from the others even as to the plans
for this, but the Shogun died before my recommendation
could be adopted.

The next year I was sent to meet the Hollanders to
inquire as to the lands to the south and west ; and I was
with the men fourteen days. I have written a full account
of it elsewhere.

In another paper I called attcnion to the heavy burdens
laid upon the people, during the late Shdgun's rule, because
of the increase in the value of the gifts to the Shoguns
and his officials, from the daimyo and hatamoto. The
people greatly suffer as the result. Let us return to the
standard established by leyasu. After his war the taxes
were lightened, as war taxes cannot be paid in times of
peace. But they have been increased again, beyond the
times of war. That is monstrous, l^oth in foreign lands
and here in Japan, rebellions have always arisen because of
too heavy taxation, while in good times the people are
aided, instructed, enriched and made virtuous, as the
Classics teach; If this matter is neglected none other plan
can be carried out. The most imperative duty now is
the lessening of the burdens of the people. Reduce the
retinues the daimyo are obliged to keep, the number of
guards at the castle gate, and, in short, let a third or a
half be taken off every requirement. Cut down the number
of places where guards are placed by fifteen. If the
number and value of the gifts for high officials be decreased,
there will be far less bribery and flattery.

My plan was adopted in part, and I was told to deter-

1 66 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakusekt,

mine the number of guards really needed. The retinues
of the dainty o were reduced, but the officials prevented the
lessening of the gifts, urging the honor to the givers and
their reverence for the Government. But were these the
real reasons?

This year new rules for the great highways were made.
They were made because of a report I sent in after my
trip to Kyoto, together with the need for repairs in pre-
paration for the coming of the Korean embassy. The
officials urged the following points : —

Many causes combine for the impoverishment of the
posting towns on the highways, but the chief cause is
found in the large retinues with which the daimyo and
kn^e travel, so large that the regular supplies of men
and horses do not suffice, and so demands for additional
men and beasts are constantly made on the neighboring
villages. Then too, with the new rules about the crossing
at Arai, travellers of all degrees prefer the Nakasendd
and it is so thronged that its supplies are too small
while the Tokaido loses its usual patronage. So we
propose that either the daimyo be required to furnish
more men and beasts for the Nakasendd, so that the
villages be less burdened, or be forbidden to travel in
such numbers by the Nakasendo, so that the posting
towns on both routes may be benefited. And send
officials often to inspect the roads, and report as to their
true condition, and make these men subordinate to the
magistrates. *

* The daimyo were forced to spend half their time in Edo and went
up from their provinces with retinues iK'fitting their rank. So they kept
horses and men at the posting stations to provide for these journeys and
men travelling on official business received, as Ilakuscki p. 68 supra,

Knox : — Autobiography of Ann Hakuseki, 167

The Sliogim asked my opinion and I wrote at length
as follows ; — I have been over the highways recently as
your representative, and I know their condition. It is
not true that the large retinues of the nobles burden the
ix)sts, but they do burden the neighboring farmers. By
the late Shogun, inspectors of posts were appointed and
in the Shogun*s domains the assistants of the deputies
perform this duty. When one of the Shoguu*s represen-
tatives passes over the road, these officials conspire with
the keepers of the posting stations, and the number o
men and horses needed is doubled, and the whole number
is demanded from the farmers, while the horses belonging
to the station are let to ordinary travellers for gain. And
when the farmers fail to bring in horses enough, the
officials fly into a j^assion and extort money as fines. So
they rejoice when retinues are large and grieve when
they are small. The neighbors are imprisoned for not
furnishing the horses needed, and become so poor that
year by year some move away from the vicinity to escape
such impositions, and thus the burdens of those who
remain are still further increased. Such crowds of horses
^d men meet officials that their servants ride and their
^^^lies pass over their burdens to these men from the
P^^. The first reform of all should be the removal of
the inspectors.

Nejct, folks travel by the Nakasendd not so much be-
cause of the Aral crossing, (I had no trouble there al-
though advised to take the other road to save expense) as

'^^'5 for the number ncctlcd. The abuses complained of by the author
^^tinued (lovi-n to the restoration of the Pjnpcror in 1867. Naturally the
ft^ber of men and Ixiasls provided on the Nakascndo, as the less
*nveUe(j mad, was smaller than on the Tokaido.

1 68 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Haktiseki,

that the posting charges on the Tokaidd, were increased
at the requests of the posting station keepers in the late
reign. If the charges are put back to the old figures
travel will increase again. It will not do to forbid travel
on the Nakasendd.

Single Imposts collected only once, like that for the
building of Todaiji in Nara, or the removal of the ashes
from the base of Fuji, occasion great discontent. How
much greater will the discontent be, if these requisitions
for men and horses are permanently increased.

The rule is that one hundred men, and one hundred
horses, be kept at each station on the Tokaido, and half
the number at each station on the Nakasendo. Let of-
ficials remember this, in their preparations and let them
have none beyond the legal number. This will lessen
the exactions on the farmers.

However, if the required number is not maintained, it is a
real danger in time of war ; but if so many cannot be
kept let only the actual force be paid for. Some seven
points in all were insisted on in my letter, and this year
the inspectors were dismissed and other reforms effected.
However, at the request of the magistrates, constables
were sent to the posts in place of the inspectors. Their
reports showed the number of men and beasts at fifty
three posts to be 107,551 and 36,411 respectively, a
reduction from the former numbers of 122,589 men and
2823 horses.

Companies of men waited at Osaka and Edo, seeking
employment in the trains of daiviyo coming from a dis-
tance. These fellows were unruly and the magistrates
could not control them. They would demand palanquin,
horses and coolies for themselves and after riding a short

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki, 1 69

distance would send away the men and liorses, for a
consideration, and they would vent their wrath unclieckcd
on all posting men who resisted their demands. The
remedy was plain, put the men under employers in
Osaka and Edo and hold the employers to a strict ac-
count for the conduct of their men.

In the end, alas, the magistrates had their own way,
for while the reforms were in preparation the Shogun
died, and after that the inspectors were reappointed and the
old abuses began again. It was like a child's house, by
the wayside, quickly destroyed by his playmates.

In the spring I was ill and the Shogun sent five times
to inquire, and once, on the return of the messenger, he
said, " The doctor says Chikugo no Kami is very ill
and that his constitution is affected. Ten thousand ap-
plications of the moxa have been made without curing
him. He wishes to get out at once but his eagerness
interferes with his recover}\ He bears the burdens of
the Empire both the foreign and home affairs, but his
constitution cannot be injured or he could not stand so
many applications of the moxa."

When well enough to go out I sent my thanks to the
Sh5gun through Zembo Asson. I also told him what I
had heard while ill ; — " Folks talk of the many dancing
girls employed by the Shogun. Yet His Grace gave up
employing them when he became Shogun, and these
rumours doubtless arose from the feasts Her Grace gave
in honor of her father's visit. I do not believe the
gossip but it is my duty to speak."

When I next visited the castle Zembo Asson told me
that the Shogun had said ; — *' The dancing girls were
employed when my wife visited the mother of the late

1 70 Knox : — Autobiography of Afai Hakuseku

Shogun, and again when the visit was returned, and once
more when Her Grace's father visited her. I saw no
harm in these courtesies, but since I had forbidden the
employment of tliese women in the castle doubtless it
was a mistake to permit these exceptions. I have
renewed the prohibition strictly, and you may tell Chi-
kugo no Kami."

A little later in the year I was given a new residence
nearer Hitotsu-bashi, in exchange for my former one.
The Shogun also sent me one hundred gold ryoy by
Zemb5 Asson, saying he had heard the place was badly
out of repair. The new place was larger than the old
one, and was said to contain eight hundred tsubo but it
really had only six hundred. But the ShdgUn promised
an adjoining piece of ground in addition as soon as the
lease should expire, and after- his death I got it and
have it now.

THE TREASURY AGAIN.

I wrote a paper on the management of the Treasury
and sent it to the Shogun. I showed the connection
between our system and that of the ancients, and went
on to urge the appointment of censors, since finances
affect the welfare of the people of more than sixty
provinces and should not be left to the discretion of one
man. The censors should have oversight of the deputies
and of the taxes paid in the domains of the Shdgun :
they should take charge of the transportation of the

Kfiox : — Autobiography of Ami Ilaknscki. 171

^^<^€ paid as taxes, of river embankments, and house
^Construction, of roads, and posts, and of the mines in the
different provinces.

The Shogun followed my plan and appointed these
officers. Revenues had decreased a fifth, not because
the farmers paid less but because the expense of col-
lection had increased. The cost of needed rei>airs grew
larger year by year, for the oflFicials kept back part of
the funds and the work was badly done. The first
year after the appointment of the censors the revenue
was very much increased and a large saving made in the
repairs* account without injury to the work. The farmers
rejoiced. We also heard nothing more of heavy losses
in grain while being brought to Kdo.

Another paper called attention to abuses in the ju-
diciary, and the Shdgun ordered a strict investigation,
but he died before the reforms were accomplished.

In the autumn Hagiwara Omi no Kami Shigehide

was removed from office and put under arrest. People

did not know why he was removed but all rejoiced at

the feet. The way of it was this : — During a period of

six months I had sent in three papers accusing him of

the following crimes. As every one knows in the reign

x)f the late Shogun, Shigehide controlled the treasury to

flie destruction of good government and the great grief

of satnurai and people. And he wished to debase the

silver still further when our lord came into power but

this was stopped.

I have already mentioned the building of the new
palace, rumor said the extravagance was very great and
that this magnificence excelled that of the Chinese
l£inperor whose extravagance caused the overthrow of his

1 72 Knox : — Auiobiognxphy of Arai Hakuseki.

dynasty. Rumor added that one room was wholly made
of aloe wood and that this illustrated the whole. So I
told &mbo Asson that " our lord's removal to his new
home is not a subject for congratulations, though I do
not believe these rumors." After awhile I was taken
over the place and shown everything, even the private
apartment and the room of aloe wood. This was a
little room ten feet high and six feet square with posts
in its recess which had been planed. The room was in
the south garden, by the pond below the hill. "This"
said my guide, " is the so-called room of aloe wood.
The wood is not Japanese and was found in one of
the government warehouses, last summer, in Asakusa.
It has no odor, perhaps from its age. The Sh5gun
commanded its use here." In nothing was rumor sus-
tained so the large expenditure was the more inexpli-
cable. But Hagiwara explained that the lumber in the
storehouses proved worthless and so he sold it and
bought from the merchants. He paid whatever they
asked, an hundred ryd for a stick, saying he had no
time to bargain and so brought the total expenditure up
to seven hundred thousand ryd\ Owing to fires, lumber
was dearer than ever before 2iXid hi-no-ki was said to be
worth its weight in gold. At all events, many poor
lumber merchants suddenly became rich and many of-
ficials also. So they divided the wealth of the people
between them.

The following spring (17 10) the coinage was again
discussed, as the officials had suffered much loss from
coins which broke, as Shigehide said because the proper*
tion of silver had been so much increased. He proposed
to restore the coins to the old standard, but to decrease

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, 1 73

heir size by half, and urged that the only other way
y which the standard could be restored was by halving
he number of the coins. The officials all assented to
^his, and he further proposed to gradually increase the
"^veight until both in size and fineness the coins should
k)c restored to tlie old standard.

I argued that if the weight were reduced, folks would
still distrust the coins even though the fineness be re-
stored, for ever since the gold had been debased with
silver and the silver with copper, prices had fluctuated
<:onstantly and this new plan will increase the distrust.
The standard was gold 8. 5. 6 and silver i. 4. 2 but by
^he change the gold was reduced to 5. 6. 4 and the silver
increased to 4. 3. i. Shigehide was so distrusted that
one chief censor and two ordinary censors were appointed
^0 watch him as the re-coinage went on. But I soon
Jieard that the new coins were worse than the old, and
ivas astonished, as I knew the Shogun had forbidden the
iurther debasement even in the financial straits at tlie
T)eginning of his reign. So I mentioned the rumor to him
T)Ut Shigehide declared that the coins conformed to
standard and then I left the decision to the Shogun's own
judgment.

When I was in Kyoto tlic regent asked me why Shige-
hide was given new honors and I replied " Because he
works day and night. Too great promotion is good for
no one, but if he reforms his ways because of these
favors it will be a blessing to the country and to him-
self.** He was everywhere praised because he had pro-
vided for all needs at the beginning of this reign in spite
of the financial distress. He covered his evil deeds and
tlisplayed his good ones. For example, when the new

1 74 Kiiox : — Autobiography of Aral Haknseki,

buildings were to be put up at the north of the castle,
no one could get timber but when he was put in charge
he got it at once, to everyone's astonishment. But he
liad sole charge of the treasury, for he dismissed the
censors and so all the merchants were at his bidding.
Their profits were great and how much he made no
one knows. From the re-coining of the silver only he
made at least two hundred and sixty thousand ryo and
pictures and curios innumerable, besides sixty thousand
ryo that one of his servants got. This we discovered
from the books of one of the silver workers who was
punished for his crimes. Sliigehide had been in office
thirty years, and had gradually risen in rank until his
allowance was 3700 koku. It was cut down to ^QO
kohl as a part of his punishment.

In providing horses and men for the Korean embassy,
his proposals were so injurious that I took the matter to
the Shogun, who directed the dainty o to follow the an-
cient precedents.

Everything was bought and built by public tenders and
these were opened in the presence of the merchants and
officials, the lowest offer to be accepted and payment to
be made on the completion of the work. But there were
gifts to the officials when the tenders were sent in, and
thankofferings when the work was done. Those who
gave nothing got nothing however low their bids. No
official failed to get rich, and the treasury was exhausted
when the former Shdgun died. Things worth an hundred
ryo cost ten thousand ryo. Shigehide had charge of all
purchases for the Korean embassy.

Soon after the re-issue of the coins prices rose and
varied constantly. Folks said it was because of the heavy

Knox : — Aiitobiof^niphy of Aral Ilakuscki. 175

c^X[X!nses in the beginning of the reign, and consequent

^on the coming of the embassy. I argued in a pajx^ that

^ sent in to the Shogun to this effect, The ancients

said, ** In three years examine your course of action "

lut in these three years past no investigation has been

made. But the Shogun replied ; — *' Men of honesty lack

ability and men of ability lack honesty. Very seldom

is there a really competent man and we have no one

able to take charge of the finances. Shigehide's misdeeds

are known but there is no one else." But to this I

replied and urged the appointment of examiners, and

denied that Shigehide had either honesty or ability. The

examiners were appointed.

A dispute had arisen between some tenants of the Sho-
gun and the tenants of a daimyd. Shigehide decided fur
the Shogun's tenants, and the other judges were silent.
So no decision was reached and I sent in another paper
asking an opportunity to argue his incompetence in public
and making ten charges against him. Zembo Asson told
me that the Shogun was astonished at the fierceness of
my attack and shortly after dismissed him fiom office. It
was quite useless for any one to bring any acusations
against any of the Shogun's people before Shigehide. For
example, — he let a dispute as to boundaries be decided in
favor of the Shogun s tenants, through the evidence of
stones and posts cunningly hidden in the ground : when a
ship was wrecked on the Shogun's domain and broken up
and looted by his farmers, the latter were acquitted and
the sailors punished ; and when some of his farmers in-
sulted some samurai and the latter cut down some of the
fanners the samurai were punished !

Only forty days before Shigehide was removed from

1 76 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

office, he again debased the coinage, alleging a secret 01
of the Shdgun. The Shdgun had said to him just bef<
" I am told there is much suffering because of the coin
issued two years ago " but Shigehide sent in a wril
denial which the Shogun believed. However, as
reports continued, he sharply asked the reason for s
rumors of distress and hatred and then Shigehide said
** When you became Shogun there were no funds ;
although you told me not to touch the money, still
there was no other way I debased it privately. I kr
my crime and confess it openly." The Shogun '
amazed and took the matter into consideration. Where
Shigehide took this silence for consent and began to deb
the coins again, with this conversation with the Shoj
as his warrant.

Shigehide died soon after his removal from office,
the evil he had done continued, the military preparati<
were stopped, the coins would not circulate and gove
ment and people were alike troubled. I have not he;
of another wretch like Shigehide since the beginning
the Empire. In these thirty years no one in all
sixty provinces was ignorant of his misdeeds, and yet
one of the great retainers of two Shogun informed th<
for the sake of Shogun and country. I only with mov
arm and pen ceased not to write accusations and
third succeeded. No Shogun for many years deser
such praise as my lord. He died the next month so t
he would have been blamed had he longer delayed
great escape ! As of old Yu aided Shun* so to my o

♦ Tlie fabulous sage king of China Yu being first the efficient mini
of Shun. It is said Arai purposed to insult Shigehide and then, in
quhrrel, kill him, himself committing hara-kiri of course and that
coming to the ears of the Shogun led to the dismissal.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakitseki, i jj

family may Zembd Asson and I be said without error to
have contributed a twentieth to the success of his rcie^n.
This shows too how intimate was my relation to the
Shogun.

THE SHOGUN'S DEATH.

All the year the Shogun was ill and the coohiess of
autumn brought no benefit, nor did any medicine help
him, to our great anxiety. On the 26th October (17 12)
I was summoned and given, as a parting present the
history of the twenty three dynasties (of China).

Two days later I was again summoned and Zemb5
Asson gave me this message from the Shogun : — ** That
which has a beginning has an end and we must consider
what comes after ; and especially I in my illness. Folks
hate death and will not think of it, and so when it comes
their thoughts are in confusion. In my illness are now
and then intervals for thought, and I have considered two
plans which I submit to you, for decision. That is why
I send for you.

Without desire of my own I became the heir to the
Empire of leyasu, and now leave a son. But I do not
look upon the Empire as my pro^x^rty and I know that
troubles ever arise when the ruler is a child. To guard
this leyasu established the Three Houses. Now what
shall I do? Shall I send for the Lord of Owari, make
him my heir and let him decide as to my son should he
become a man? Or as one of my sons has survived
fortunately, shall I let him be heir and put the Lord of

1 78 Knox : — Aiitobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

Owari in the Western Mansion to help my son and to
succeed him should he die while still young ? *'

This was my answer ; — " I agree with neither pro-
posal, though they are most generous, since even the
humblest seek the advancement of their children. But
your proposals are not for the good of the Empire. We
need not search ancient history, for even in the days of
leyasu men were undecided as to their course of action
until one of his sons died, and the same difficulty arose
in the time of the second Shogun. Surely there should
be no trouble between father and son, or between brothers,
but as the proverb says '* trouble comes from below " and
officials create difficulties and tell lies, making bad feel-
ing, until men have killed their younger brothers by the
same mother. So was it in the days of leyasu and it
will be worse now. If your plan is adopted there will
be parties formed with confusion in consequence. In the
days of Ieyasu*s ancestors were many youthful heirs and
among them leyasu himself. I need not state the reason
why it was so. But now there are the Three Houses
and the other great vassals and there need be no anxiety
though your heir is so young." *

Again the Shdgun replied ; — " All say my son is like
a bubble on the stream. If he die in a few years I
shall be thought a man without foresight. What of
this ? Consider ! "

And I replied, — '* The three Houses were established
by leyasu for such an emergency ; " and with this my lord

* Doubtless the many historical instances of the murder of rulers and
of their sons that darken the pages of Ja|)anese history were m the mind
of Arai. To make a child the ruler that the official might rule through
him was not uncommon.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral IlakiisckL 1 79

>vas content, saying " Should I recover count this as
X>leasant talk." As this was repeated to me I wept
T)itterly and said " This is the end of my labor for him,
with my poor strength and little wisdom." I told Zcmbo
Asson to tell him this also, and thought he would sum-
mon me again, but no response came and I could add no
more.

After Shigehide's rcnioval the new coinage was stopixid,
and I was told to consult with the officials and to pre-
pare plans. On the eighth November .the Shdgun told
the officials to publish it on the tenth. That night he
was very ill and there was rushing to and fro. I too
went to the castle where Aoyama Bizen-no-Kami awaited
me, saying, — " I am greatly distressed about the succes-
sion but your coming relieves me." And when I told
him it had long been arranged, he added, **Then I am
content." He thought only of this and there was none
other like him — ^a worthy descendant of worthy ancestors.
On the thirteenth the Shogun died. At noon he
summoned Her Grace and the others, and the mother
of his child and said, " I am much better and shall soon
be around and see you all." Next he summoned the
Council of State and explained his plans for the future ;
and then he called the lower officials and thanked them.
Finally, through Akihira Asson (Zembo's brother) he
sent for me. Zembo was by his pillow and Masanao
was behind the Shogun. He said nothing but opened
his eyes and looked at me. This was the end of our
daily meetings during twenty four years.

Afterwards he said to Zembo Asson '* I have no more
to say. Have you anything to ask ? " '* No " said Zembo,
iiothing remains." The Shogun said, "Raise me up!"

%€

1 80 Knox : -^Autobiography of Arai Hakiiscki.

''What! When you are so ill!" they cried. "With
nothing more to say or think it is time to rest" he
said. Even now his servants weep as they think of
that time.

The Shogun had well considered the future and told her
Grace, but at his death he told the officials that he had
entrusted everything to Echizen-no-Kami Zcmbo Asson
and that they should ask of him.

When one of the servants wept before the Shogun he
said, '* Weep not ! It is the common lot." In the intervals
of his final illness he spoke only of public affairs and
especially of the coming hundredth anniversary of the
death of leyasu. I have never heard of an equally splendid
death of a Shogun.

From the beginning of my lord's reign the supply of
copper had been insufficient for the trade with the Hol-
landers in Nagasaki and the magistrates asked for in-
structions. The Shogun referred their question to me.

Since leyasu, more than half of our gold and silver has
gone abroad (the government's books show that one fourth
of the gold and three fourths of the silver, and much has
disappeared unrecorded) and anyone can see that all will
have gone in another century. Though the metals are
constantly dug up, yet are they like the bones in a man's
body, they do not grow again, and so differ from the grains
which are like the hair. Great is the difference in land
and season as to grain production; still fewer are metal
bearing fields, and good seasons for mining come very
seldom. We have never been helped by foreign lands and
need only their medicines. How unwise then to barter our
treasures for their useless articles ! If their ships do not
come still we shall suffer nothing, but if we must trade

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral llakuscki. 1 8 1

let ,us heed the Classics and conform our expenditures
to our income. We must jjovcrn our trade with Loo
Choo, China, Korea and the lands of the west and south.
The increase of prices would be a less evil than the loss
of our treasures.

I argued all this at length, and the Shogun bade me
prepare tables exhibiting the results of this trade in years
past, and he sent them to the Nagasaki magistrates to be
filled out as the decision should be based on facts.

The magistrates reported that the copiKT had not sufficed
for two years past, and that some folks suffered while
others carried on an illicit trade and sent gold and silver
abroad. The Shogun said, " This commerce hurts both
the present and the future. ICven the medicinal plants
used to be grown at home. Once tobacco and cotton were
unknown but now they are grown everywhere. Ixt us
import other seeds and plant them in carefully selected
soil. In the past our articles were sought from foreign
countries: let us be content and make them again for
ourselves. " So at his decree, the Kyoto officials ordered
the goods for him of which he had spoken, but they came
when he was ill and I grieved when Zembd Asson showed
them to me and said, — " I am reminded of the bringing
of the orange seeds.'* *

This year there was a strife, concerning the color of
the robes worn by the son of the emperor, when he visited
Edo and Nikko as representative of the temples in Nara.
He wore a red robe but there was a protest against
it, which declarsd that abbots should dress in white and
wear red only when their learning is complete and great.

* The emperor Suinin sent to ("hina for orange seeds l>ut died as
they were brought to him.

1 82 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakusekL

But the other party contended for an exception to the
rule in the case of the Emperor's son. The question came
for decision after the Shogun's death. He had always
followed my advice but now all is ended as in a dream.

The Shogun died at sundown on the thirteenth of
November (17 12). Next day the officials assembled and
all wept as his parting message was read. *

On the nineteenth the body was taken to Zojoji and I
went with it. That day flowers fell from heaven and folks
caught them in dishes. They were like gold col6red thistk
flowers and crumbled in a few days to nothing, f

On the 30th November was the funeral, at evening. The
dress was not prescribed but each wore an oak leaf and
the sword scabbards were black. Greatly mourning I was
of the company. Others said they saw a great star
encircling the moon, but I saw it not. As we went from
the temple to the tomb, something like hail seemed to fall

* Tlic last message of tnc Shogun, — " In my incapacity I have sought
to rule by the help of the virtue of lyeyasu, whose inheritance I received,
I need not say how greatly I have failed, in my brief time.

Every one knows how, from ancient times, evils afflict the natior
when rulers are children and officials quarrel over rank, form parties, will
not agree but distrust each other. On the other hand even the barbarian;
cross the tempestuous seas in safety when they join strength in workinf]
the boat. Si ill more should all unite now, born now after an hundred
years of peace, grown up together and all by the blessing of leyasu.

In return for that blessing let all think of the i>eople and realm aiu'
forbid the evils that came to ancient empires through youthful rulers
Only by such united action can dangers to the Tokugawa House and to tht
people l)c escaped. Let all, high and low, small and great look well t<
this." Shotoku 2nd year, loth Month 9th day, (1712 November 7
Sealed with a black seal.

t The priests of this tcmi)le in Edo were very fond of marvels anc
famous for their inventive powers.

Kfiox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, \ 83

ever>'where but es[">ecially on the roofs of the temporary
structures. It was a shower of round balls that shone
like light, and for two or three days folks picked them up
in the roads. There seem to have been such things —
though one scarcely believes such tales from others.

During the fifty days of mourning the very voices of
the children were hushed. I have beared of a land mourn-
ing as for a parent, it was a true blessing to see it.

On the 19th of November the officials were asked their
opinions of the decree as to the coinage which had been
given to the Council of State on the 7th. I have been
charged with getting up the decree after the Shogun's
death but as the Elders had been told to issue it on the
9th they -know that the charge is false.

Three of the witnesses are still alive as I write. A
placard was posted on my gate saying. — " The Place for
Making Decrees about Gold and Silver ! " Such placards
had been posted in the beginning of my lord's reign and
in other periods but this one was the worst of all. The
Council of State had desired to forbid them but the Shogun
said, — '* No ! They may contain some truth and I shall
not stop all expression of opinion.*' And he ordered the
officials to show them to him.

The Shogun had also passed judgement as to the boat
from Funatsu village in the province of Kii which had
been wrecked near Shinagawa Totomi province. The boat
had run on the sands and the people had broken it up
and stolen its cargo. One of its sailors cut down a man
with his sword. The magistrate decided that though the
people stole the cargo they were too many to be punished.
The sailors on the other hand falsely accused the people
of the theft of their cashbox and should be beheaded.

1 84 K710X : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki.

When my opinion was asked I wrote, — Though the folk;
number ten thousand they should be punished if they tool
the goods. The law of Kan-ei 13th, 8th month 2nd day
(Sept. I 1636) provides that when the crew of a wreckec
vessel conspire with the landsmen to steal the cargo al
shall be put to death, and every house in the neighborhooc
shall be assessed two pence and a half. This just meet;
the case and it will not do to refuse to enforce it becaus<
the offenders are many. By this law let the leaders b(
fined that compensation may be made to the owners
Moreover, is it not probable that the sailors charged th<
theft of their cashbox in order to stimulate the zeal of th<
officers, knowing they would not seek earnestly for stoler
clothing and such like things? They acted frcJm some
such motive and do not deserve punishment. Besides, \\
such an accusation a greater crime than theft? Hov
happens it the less crime is punished and the greate
forgiven ? "

The Sh5gun decided in accordance with my opinion anc
bade me write the judgment. It was announced aftci
his death.

BOOK III.

THE REIGN OP THE INFANT

SHOGUN.

THE MOURNING FOR THE SHDGUN.

During these many years my lord's kindness to mc
had been wonderful, although I had uttered all that was
in my heart. He had given great heed to all I said.
But after his death no one listened when I spoke and so
I wrote above, '* This is the end of my labor." His
wise plans for the Empire were incomplete when he died
but, as I know, he trusted me to carry them out after
his decease.

Beyond these plans I had no further connection with
the affairs of state as the young Shogun had many help-
ers. In the spring the Shogun had told me wath some
others, to reform the court journal, but now as there was
no one to decide between us I left this also to the others.

While thus unemployed in the nth month (December
— January) it was decreed that ambassadors should be
sent at once to the shrines at Nikko and Ise since the
Shogun was too young to observe the customar}'- mour-r
ning. I was astonished, and on inquiry Zemb5 Asson
told me that the Minibtcr of Education had stated that
children not yet seven years old, do not observe the

1 86 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hahiseki,

mourning ceremonies for parents. As I said before, the
affairs of state were not my business but I could not let
pass this one thing and told Zembo Asson/' Though the
Book of Rites states that children under seven do not
observe the ceremonies, it nowhere says they do not
mourn their parents. Still less does it bid the heir of the
ruler of the Empire as he becomes the lord of the whole
people, follow the rules for ordinary children."

Zembo Asson repeated this to Hayashi Minister of
Education and he replied, " The decree accords with
the unchangeable rules of the Mourning Rites of Gen-roku
(the period 1688- 1704), as determined by the Shogun.
Who now disputes it?" The Council of State sided with
him and 2^mbo Asson said to me, — " You cannot move
the officials after such an answer." But I told him that
the consequences would be great and that I should write
out my argument though I had no responsibility, and no
influence.

This is the substance of my paper ; — ^The mourning
ceremonies established by the Sages strengthen the rela-
tionships of parent and child, lord and retainer. Even
in China, from age to age, changes have been made, and
still greater ones in our land but all, even the omissions,
are in obedience to the ancient forms. So was it with
the changes made in Gen-rokii. The late Shdgun at the
beginning of his reign investigated this subject, and I
wrote out the results in a book and made illustrations
but he died before the reforms were complete.

The Gen-roku rules say that a child of seven neither
mourns nor is mourned for. This is said to conform to
ancient Japanese precedent, and no ceremonies are laid
down. Still it is not said the child does not mourn for

Knox : — Autobiography of . Irai Ilaknscki. 1 87

its -parents, and in the ancient ceremonies it did mourn.

Why then do the Gcn-roku rules say that children neither

mourn nor are mourned for, so that there is no mourning

for our lord ? And why do they omit the ancient law

that rulers be mourned Tor one year, so that his retainers

do not mourn? But we need not discuss the reforming

of the Gen-roku rules, but may argue on other principles.

The young Shdgun only, survives of all the sons of his

father and if he does net mourn because of his youth

and if the retainers do not mourn, what shall be the

symbol of the great grief of the Empire ? Our books

speak of a mourning heart that may dispense with a

mourning garb, and if the young Shogun and the officials

follow this, though they wear no mourning costume

and follow the Gen-roku rules, they will not propose

festivities like these missions to Nikko and Ise. So will

the Way of Piety and Loyalty and Filial feelings be

strengthened throughout the Empire, even though the

Gen-roku rules are obeyed.

Some may doubt if this heart mourning does not
violate those rules, but the question touches only the one
point of the mourning of a child. But government is
for the establishment of morality; and loyalty and filial
piety are its foundations. Which shall we choose, — a
doubt as to the mourning of a child, or the destruction
of the basis of the Empire, and of the morals of the
people ?

In China in Ying Tsung's reign of the Sung dynasty
(A. D. 1064-1068) and again in the reign of She Tsung
of the Ming dynasty were similar incidents, and when the
emperors became adults they punished the ministers of
their youth. Though the Shogun has no opinions now.

1 88 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakiiseku

the time must be anticipated when he will be grown up
and will reflect upon the past.

Zembo Asson put my paper in his sleeve and sought
the opinions of the officials ; but what they first hear
is their lord, and so they would not take my advice.

Then he took it to the august grandmother, and to the
august mother, and showed it to them and they thought
this omission of mourning something which should cause
a fear of Heaven, as it violated Heaven's laws and they
further feared the anger of the Shdgun when he should
grow up, and learn of this want of piety. So the ladies
desired the ** heart mourning " and it was decreed. The
officials could not argue further and the festivities were
postponed until the twelfth month.

Hayashi was very angry and argued before the Council
of State, that the obligations are mutual, and that as
parents do not mourn for young children, the children do
not mourn for parents, citing precedents from the ancient
books. This was on the 27th of December (171 2) and
Zembo Asson showed me the argument. I said in
reply, " As my suggestion has been adopted I need
not answer, but my ideas are certainly in accord with
the precepts of the Sages and with good morals. Haya-
shi's argument contradicts not me only but them also.
Proud of his temporary position ho seeks to instruct the
people, and will prove a guide to disobedience and dis-
loyalty to all who follow him. A lasting sorrow! We
destroy his errors by the teaching of the books of
ceremonies." Then I quoted the books, showing that
children do mourn, and I called on him to show clear proof
to the contrary and to append his proof to my essay.
I further set forth two arguments from our funeral rites.

Kfiox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusckL 1 89

When Zenib5 Asson showed this to Hayashi he re-
pelled ; — *' As in tlie most ancient books I see no instance
of such mourning, I hold as at first. Ikyond this there
is no proof. I cannot say that the Book of Rites forbids
the mourning ; but the commentary on the Ge7iji Mono-
^atari shows that it was not the Japanese custom for
children to mourn. If he quotes the Book of Rites then
the mourning should be for three years."

To this I replied ; — ** My use of the Book of Rites,
was because he declared my contention to be opposed
to the teaching of the Sages. He takes that back, and
thus my position is shown to be correct to all future
ages. As to the rest, what shall I say of a Minister of
Kducation quoting a commentary on the Gmji Mono-
g'atari, in order to show that the teaching of the Sages
on the most important subjects need not be obeyed in
Japan ? **

I took the paper and went home. To pass all this on
will be of service, for it not only confirms good morals
but establishes the system of Confucius for all time in our
Empire. The whole debate is given in my manuscript
and in Kyuso's book.

Hayaslii's own pupils told of his cmbarassment when
-2^emb5 Asson pressed him with my questions! Such a
teacher naturally has such pupils and the decay of learn-
ir^g in Japan is likewise explained.

Hay<ishi also urged that the ideograph ** sho " should
i'lotbe used in "year-names" and quoted Chinese authors
support of his position. Zcmbo Asson asked my
pinion, and though my ideas could no longer prevail
ill I hesitated to refuse to reply and said ; — '* The men
the Ming dynasty (in China) in more books than

1 90 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki.

those quoted, argued that the ideograph is of evil in-
fluence and should not be employed. But superior men
do not agree to this at all.

The Empire's prosperity, man s long life or few days,
come either from Heaven's decree or from man s deeds.
Happiness and sorrow do not come from the use of par-
ticular words in the "year-names." The men who lost
the Empire (in China) in times when " sho " was used,
lost it by their wickedness and not by their use of this
name. So has it been with the great calamities, they were
because of the emperors and not because of this word.
Lay to heart Mencius's saying, — " Do not blame the age
for your crime."

It is unnecessary to argue at length and one illustration
will suffice; — With his advancing age man does not lose
identity, though he is called successively, infant,, youth,
middle aged ; nor yet with the different names given him,
at three months and at twenty years nor with the several
appellations used by his various relatives. So is it with
hours, days, months and years — ^the hours become days as
they are joined together and the days become months and
the months years. These names indicate the same time.
So if ** sho " must not be used for years neither must it
be used for months. * But from the time of the Sages
" sho '* has been the name of the first month, and so Con-
fucius writes in " The Spring and Autumn." ** The " sho **

* The peoples of the Far-east reckon time by periods of varying
length, designated by " year-names." These " year-names " were given by
the emperors and this was one of the most distinctive marks of their
sovereignty.

The ideograph " sho " means " holy " and brings misfortune if used by
unholy men.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 1 9 1

month is the beginning of the year." If then it is un-
lucky every year should have been unlucky from his day
to ours. And if anyone think this argument trifling I
still want to hear why " sho " is lucky in months and
unlucky in years. " The reforms wrought by superior man
constitute the " Way '* of the Empire for generations, his
deeds are its laws and his words its precedents ; " and
"he who knows not the decrees of Heaven is not superior
man," so it is not a superior men who thinks of " sho "
as unlucky.

In sixteen *' year-names '* has the word been used here
in Japan ; and by no means have all been unlucky and if
some of the periods so named have been calamitous, so
may it be argued of all the ideographs used from the
beginning, since in both China and Japan the "year-names"
have been changed chiefly because of signs in heaven, and
because of calamities on earth, floods, droughts, or epi-
demics. If the names bring evil let us return to the ancient
custom and use none, but even then there were evils as
to-day. Further, I have met with men from Holland,
Italy, and other lands, and though " year-names " are
used only in two or three places and the rest reckon
so many thousands, hundreds and tens of years since the
beginning of heaven and earth, yet few countries in Europe
during the past twenty-four years have escaped confusion
caused by struggles about the succession to dead princes.
This winter and last many were killed in war. For
'^vhat was that the punishment? Even with no " year-
'^^me " destruction is not escajx^d easily when man loses
"xtue.

In China and Japan the same words have been used in
i fferent periods, which have proved the happiest and the

1 92 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki,

most calamitous in our annals and instances innumerable
prove that '* names " and misfortunes have no connection.

This change of the ** year-name" is the only edict that
is promulgated by our Emperor, as even the Chinese
know, and its cause has ever been calamities, portents and
changes in the calendar. It has never been done because
of the misfortunes of a Shogun. Doubtless there have
been coincidences, and the superficial student may suppose
the change was made because a Sh5gun had died, but
there was always another reason for the change ; and with-
out such reason no change has ever been made in the
year when a Shogun has died.

If now the " year-name " is changed because of the
death of the Shogun what suspicions will be aroused in
Ky5to ; and even if other reasons are assigned, still the
Shdgun's councillors will suffer from the criticism of men
who are truly learned and wise. Take great care not to
make a mistake."

But in spite of Zcmbo Asson*s efforts my opinion was
not adopted. *

A VERY DIFFICULT CASE.

In my lord's time, one day (28th September 171 1) after
the lecture he sent me a very difficult case.

A merchant of Matsushiro, Shinano, came to Edo with
his wife who was from Komabayashi village, Kawanoe

* Hayashi obtained the aid of the ladies of the Shogun's court by an
4ippeal to their superstitions.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki, 1 93

township, Musashi province. On the 29th August the
woman's brother took her out to Kawagoe, and on the
2nd September told her to remain a while at her. father's
as her husband had gone back to Matsushiro, but would
return on the 19th at latest. But on the 19th he had
not come and she was told of a man drowned in the
neighboring river. Full of fear she went to see, but the
man was floating face downwards. Her father and brother
would not help her turn the body but said, *' It cannot
be he." But she could not restrain herself and the next
day had the body turned by the headman of the village
and — it was her husband. This was on the land of Tajima-
no-Kami, Takatomi.

The officers examined her father, brother and others
and as the answers were not satisfactory, searched the house
and found the eiiects of the dead man. So there was no
escape and the father and brother confessed the murder
and to putting the body in the water. There was no
question as to their guilt, but Tajima-no-Kami Takatomi
widied to know if the woman were not " an informer
against her father."

My answer was, *' Consider it well. It concerns the
three relations, not husband and wife, and parent and child
only, but lord and retainer also. It cannot be settled by
ordinary precedents." But the Shogun asked for pre-
cedents and Kyuso and I examined the books thoroughly
and in the morning he wrote me agreeing with my opinion
and saying '• The Introduction to the Zansai of the Girei
Scfukuden is conclusive." It was indeed fortunate that the
proof was so clear.

On the 4th of October, after the lecture, the Shogun
•showed me the opinion which the magistrates had sent in

194 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakmeku

quoting a case of Teiko 4th year 4th month, when a
woman, who charged her husband with adultery with her
mother (the two were beheaded) was punished as an ** in-
former," being imprisoned for a year and then sold as
a slave. The Sh5gun remarked, ** This does not seem
to apply,*' and I agreed and added "The woman is not
guilty."

On the 7th I was shown Hayashi's opinion. The mini-
ster of education had written it for the Council of State,
and this was its substance : When Saichu of Tei asked her
mother. Which is first, father or husband? she replied,
Only one can be father, anyone may be husband. This
woman revealed her father's guilt, and the Analects say,
**To conceal a parent's guilt is righteousness and truth."
In the Laws it is written, " Let him who exposes a parent's
crime be put to death." But I said, " She did not know
her father's crime and her case is an exception. In our
Japan an informer on a parent is banished though the
commentary says the punishment should be strangling.
Neither of those quotations apply and it was not a case of
accidental homicide." So I was told to re-argue the case
and going home wrote out my opinion at once and sent
it to the Shogun on the 8th as follows : —

I have carefully studied the matter submitted oh the
28th of September viz.— The merchant's wife, troubled at
his absence hears of the body in the river and gets the
headman to show it to her. It is her husband, and as
her father and brother were the murderers, the officials
think it a case of '* informing against parents." The
magistrates condemn her to servitude and the Minister
of Education agrees with them.

In my opinion the case does not come under " The

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakusekL 1 95

Three Relations " nor do ordinary precedents apply.
Three points should be considered, — The relations, the
rules for mourning, and the application of exceptional
rules to exceptional cases.

The rules of the ancient kings provide, that while the
daughter remains at home, though promised in marriage or
though married having returned to her father, she shall
observe three years of strict mourning for him should he die.
But, if she is living with her husband she shall observe
only one year of half-mourning. The difference is so very
great that we shonld observe how it is set forth in the
commentary of the Sofuku.^ A woman is never independ-
ent but owes duties, when unmarried to her father, when
married to her husband, and when widowed to her son.
The father is the child's Heaven, and the husband is the
x^fe's. So it is written, ** A woman cannot mourn strictly
twice, as Heaven is not two." She cannot mourn for two
£i.t the same sime. So then a wife who obeys her husband
crannot obey her father.

Events are ordinary or extraordinary, and in their judg-
^ruent laws should be immovable or exceptional. As the
^uicient scholar says; — Exceptions uphold the rule.

Now it is the settled law that the woman at home
obeys her father and when married her husband. In the
Visual relations the lord is lord, and the retainer is retainer :
the father is father, and the son is son : the husband is
liusband, and the wife is wife. But now the retainer does
inot ceise to be retainer, because the lord ceases to be lord.
I3ut in following such exceptions we are not to lose the
irule. The greatest possible exception is, when a retainer's

* The book of mourning-rites and ceremonies.

196 Kn^x : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

father kills his lord, or when a woman's father kills her
husband. The retainer then cannot be both loyal and
filial, nor the woman obedient and filial. No human
calamity equals this ! Of old in such emei^jencies retain-
ers have been loyal to their lord, and women have obeyed
their husband. Now no one can be found who has charg-
ed her father with the death of her husband, though some
have told a father that their husband had a command
from his lord to kill the father, and so the father has
killed the husband, and this was the instance quoted
above when the mother replied, " Any one may be hus-
band but only one a father." If that reply and the
daughter's deed which followed were right, then are they
disobedient and wicked who for a husband's sake make a
father no longer father. And shall we say, " Any one
may be lord, only one a father, — how can the two be
compared ? " May one help his father to kill his lord ? But
the superior man praised the man who revealed the plot
of his father against his lord, as it is written, ** Great
virtue destroys love." Confucius says, " The father con-
ceals his son's evil, and the son his father's." This is
the rule. Which is the greater offence to steal a sheep
or to kill a lord ?* The settled rules of the ancient kings
make the woman's Heaven to be her husband and not
her father. If the father kill the husband the ordinary
rules do not apply to a woman if she inform; and still
less to this woman who recovered the corpse by the aid
of the headman and then recognized her husband. The
government discovered the crime. It is not a case of
"informing." Why is she judged guilty?

* Confucius words concerned the stealing of a sheep.

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami HakusekL \ 97

When the full discoveiy was made her suicide would
have preserved her filial, wifely and sisterly virtue. It
would have been the perfection of virtue in this great
exception to the normal relations, but to reprove her for
not attaining perfection is to judge her '' as we do not
judge ourselves." No woman has killed herself for such
a reason, but many have preserved their widowhood until
death, nor did the ancients think their virtue small. And
this agrees with my private opinion.

A wife's relation is that of the retainer, and if we praise
Risai and Sekien,* we shall not agree with the words
quoted by Hayashi. The magistrates say that the pre-
cedents show that she should be imprisoned for a year
and then be made a slave, and the Minister of Education
says, " Had she known her father's guilt the penalty
would have been death, l^ut as she did it unwittingly
she shall be made a slave."

If she is declared innocent, as I propose, I have a
strong desire for her. The young widow's passions are
still undecayed and she has no protector. The pine's
green leaf, if very strong, may resist the winter's cold
but in her case I Iiave my doubts. Not only should I
lament the loss of her virtue but the righteousness of the
government would be violated. Those who have become
monks and nuns for tlie loss of fatlier or husband have
been many. Now if it is privately hinted to her that she
become a nun, shave her head, enter a convent, study
and keep the rules because of these deaths ; and if the
property of her husband and father be given to the con-

* Riati informed his lord of his father's jniqxised rebellion and com
mi (ted suickle. Sekien also informetl and was killcil by his father.

198 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

vent, there will be no anxiety as to her support and her
virtue and the righteousness of the government will be
preserved/*

My advice was followed and by the aid of Takatonn
Asson the woman became a nun in a convent at Kamakura.

THE INVESTITURE OF THE YOUNG

SHDGUN.

After the fifty days of mourning on the eleventh day
of the twelfth month (January 7, 171 3) the young Shogun
assumed the government. By the precedents he should
have had the title S/idsanmi Dainago7i when his head was
shaved and his hair fastened in a cue, and still later the
title Shoni would have been bestowed, and only after he
became Sh5gun should the emjieror's messenger have
come from Kyoto. But as he inherited his position when
so young Zembo Asson asked me to set forth the proper
procedure which I did, since I could not decline.

The name is given by the father, but in the present
instance by the father of the emperor. I wrote the peti-
tion to him and suggested the name.

On the eighth of January came an Imperial letter con-
ferring the Shb7ii rank and the title Dainagotp and so the
child at once became Shogun. The letter bestowing the
name came the same day. A lucky day was chosen for
the ceremony Qanuary 17) and folks paid their respects
on the next day but one. As in the case of the former
Shogun I was given thirty ryo and other gifts as my
honorarium.

K710X : — Autobiography of Arai Hahiscki, 199

The putting on the luikavia was on the next New
Year's day, (26 January, 17 13) and on the seventeenth of
February I was given three gold ryb for choosing the
" precious ideographs " for the Shogun to write.* The
same day I was given three books, by order of the
Shogun, which had been ordered by the late Shogun
through the governor of Nagasaki.

On the thirteenth of April, as bidden, I sent in the
details for the ceremony of the hair cutting, including a
description of the implements and of the ornaments for
the room. On the twenty-first the Shogun went to the
Shraso-in where his crown was put on his head by Hikone-
no-kami and his hair was cut by Aidzu-no-Kami. I saw
it all from the rear. I too was often in the castle in
connection with the visit of Konoe the former regent.f

On the twenty-sixth of April was the investiture and
this 1 saw from the rear as in the case of the former
Shogun. A little later my land was increased as the
former Shogun had commanded.

On November fifth, 17 14, I chose the name for the

great bell of Bun-sho-byo as I had been commanded.

The previous year, after my lord's death a commission

came from Kydto granting him such posthumous name

^ might be chosen. When Zembd Asson asked me about

♦ The first ideographs written by a young Japanese are chosen with
^special care.

t This Shogun was Yusho-in, lyetsugu-kO the third son of Bunsho-ko.
^Xe vras four years old when his father died. A great discussion arose as
*o liis *♦ crowning '* as if he were the son of the Emperor. It is supposed
^o have been connected with plans of Arai's for the ending of the dual
Sovemment and the enthronement of the Sh5gun. It is also given as the
why Arai was not ** employed " by the next Shogun.

2(X) Knox ': — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

it I said, "As the name goes down to future generations
and abroad to foreign lands, an excellent name should be
chosen, and I suggest Bun and Sho.'* The Council sent
both on to Kyoto where the two were adopted, Bunsho-
ko. That my suggestion for the posthumous name of my
lord and for the name of the Shogun should have been
approved by the emperor and his father, and that I was
bidden write the inscription for the bell were great favours.*
At the anniversary services on December first, all was
done according to the former precedent. Besides the
highest officials only ten persons were present. All were
arrayed in their most elaborate robes of ceremony.

THE UOYANA BOATS.

On the 22nd August the case concerning the Uoyana
boats was heard. Freight sent from Osaka to Yamato
province was transferred, because of the shallow water, at
Kamegase in Kawachi province to the Uoyana boats and
by them was brought to its destination. From the Keicho
period (i 596-161 5) these boats which belonged to the
folks in the village Tate, Heguri township, Yamato pro-
vince, had been in charge of the Shinto priest and with
the profits the Shinto temple Tatsuda had been maintain-
ed without aid from the government, and moreover paid
an annual tax of thirty ryo.

In Gcnroku 10 (A. D. 1697) the villagers offered to pay

* The name contains an allusion to the ancient Chinese poem —
Truly brave, truly wise, clearly equal to his ancestors."

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakustki. 20 1

a tax of one hundred and fifty ryo if one of them were
put in charge of the boats, and as the ofifer was large
and the villagers were tenants of the Shdgun it was
accepted.

In the intercalary first montli of Hoei 5 (Feb. 1708)
the farmers of five hundred and three villages, tenants of
the Shogun and different davnyb, complained to the gov-
ernor of Nara, Miyoshi Bizen-no-kami, that though the
villagers had promised to follow the established custom yet
they not only gradually had increased the charges, but
when the boats were damaged and the freight injured
refused to pay damages and stole the cargo that was
saved.

Again in March, the sellers of dried fish in Osaka com*
plained that though in the past, fish (for use as manure)
which was lost en route had been paid for, last year pay-
ment was refused when boats were lost because of the
great earthquake, and this in spite of the commands of
the magistrates.

In the fifth month (June-July) Bizen-no-kami referred
these coniplaints to Kyoto and after an examination by
Ki-no-Kami Nobutsune Asson the case was sent to the
magistrate of the treasury in Edo, Hagiwara Omi-no-Kami
and to those associated with him.

After the preliminary examination the priest, Yasumura
by name, asked that he might be put in charge again
and offered to pay a tax of three hundred ryo^ whereon
the villagers offered three hundred and twenty nine ryo
and said ; — ^We are few in numbers but our land measures
a thousand koku. For the fourteen years past we have
paid our taxes out of the income from these boats, and if
that is taken- away we shall suffer.

202 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Haknseki,

In the tenth month of the next year (Nov. 1709) die
decision was given in favour of the villagers. But it did
not touch uporl'the complaints made by the Osaka merch-
ants and the farmers of the five hundred and three villages.

The spring of the next year (1710) after the change
of Shoguns, when Bizen-no-kami came to Edo to the
ceremonies, he handed in an account of the case to
Kawachi-no-kami, Tadamine Asson, who with two others
investigated it and in the intercalary eighth month (Sept.-
Oct.) affixed their seals to the following decision; —
*• Precedents do not show the boatmen to be responsible
for the loss of freight ; but there is a special fund for this
purpose in Osaka made by collecting .005 for each piece
of fi-eight. Again the villagers claim that they can be
held responsible only from Kamegase, where the freight is
transferred to their boats. Their contention is sustained.
Even government freight is not paid for when lost. The
Osaka merchants have no case. Their fund is of private
arrangement and not of law. If it is considered other
complications will arise."

Tadamine Asson was very zealous for this decision , and
told the magistrates to so lay down the law that the case
should not come up again ; and he sought to make all
parties promise not to appeal.

. But Bizen-no-kami would not agree, for the decision
touched the complaint of the Osaka merchants only, and
ignored the grievances of the five hundred and three
villages, the dispute between tenants of the Sh^un and
of the daimyo^ and he declared that a side issue should
not stop appeal. Tadamine Asson became very angry,
changed colour and said, •' It is not for your good to
raise again a question settled by so many judges ! " and

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 203

would not listen. In the winter when I visited Nara,
Bizen-no-kami showed great anger as he told me about
it and when I returned to Edo in the spring I told tins,
among other things, to the Shogun, saying, " The decision
was unjust."

Almost immediately Hizen no-kami died in his rage and
then Yasumura killed himself as he felt there was no one
left to help him.

Yasumura's son came to Edo in great anger, deter-
mined to have the decision against his father reversed.
He made constant appeals and the priests of the temple
joined with him as they now had no funds tot its support.
So !Zembo Asson, by what means I do not know, re-
stored all to the original conditions, giving the manage-
ment to Yasumura's son, putting the tax back to the
first figure and ordering the temple to be repaired at once.
He sent me a copy of his decision and told me he had
the authority of the late Shdgun for it.

In April (17 1 3) as I think it was, I said to Zembo
Asson, — " Lu.xury is increasing and prices rise so that the
liotatnoto perform their duties with difficulty. What should
they do were there war ? In spite of the warnings of the
late Shdgun the evil grows, and now one who wishes to
live within his means finds the great jst difficulty in so
doing. Tile case is peculiarly urgent during the youth of
the Shogun. Pray consult with the elders as to remedies
for this evil." He assented, consulted with the elders and
bade every hatamoto send in his plan for the remedy of
the evil.

He showed mc the replies but they were mere promises
of diligence in duty, and did not touch the reform of the
government or the condition of the people. As the

204 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hafcuseki.

Shogun had always asked my opinion so now the elders
sought it. But if the note is high listeners are few, and
without clear proof no one will believe, so I tried to meet
the mind of the times and sent in points taken from the
rules of the Shdgun, making three volumes in all.

I never heard of any decision. I pressed for one be-
fore the change of officials as did Zembo Asson likewise,
but time went by and my memorial was returned, endors-
ed,— '* Too difficult, it cannot be done at present." But
I had not written my own ideas but the opinion of the
Shogun and their refusal was of his ideas, not mine. The
difficulty was, the officials would not! I could say no
more. As it is said. When desires oppose commands
there is no obedience. So if a decision were reached it
could not be carried out with all the officials in opposi-
tion. When the Shogun becomes a man, he will know
I desisted because further effort was useless. They put
it off saying, ** We shall decide when all are heard/* and
never decided at all. So it ended.

THE COINAGE.

I knew that my advice would not be followed, even
though it had been sanctioned by the Shogun, but as
none of the officials considered the debasement of the
coinage, which is the greatest of evils, I wrote papers
zealously and though the Shogun was already ill his
decision was made. He stopped the new coinage and
removed Shigehide from office, and until death, was con-
sidering ways and means for the restoration of the coins

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 205

to the proper standard. But since his death no one has
done anything.

From the first I diligently studied how to remove this
grief, and the more earnestly since it was unaccomplished
at my lord's death and so might be accounted his error.
It is filial piety to fulfill his wish and make known his
will, especially as great suffering will be saved. My
labour was for my lord and for his son.

I sent in the results of my study, in three volumes,
to Zembo Asson in the sixth month of this year (July-
August 1 71 3) and further told him my ideas. Since the
order to restore the standard had been given, all sorts of
opinions were expressed: — i. To restore the silver minted
since Genroku to the old stardard, would require 118
tnan-gafne of bullion while the total annual product is only
4 sen-gavie so that the product of three hundred years is
needed. 2. For the separation of the copper and silver
in the coins we shall need lead to the amount of 276
man 4 sen gante while the yearly output is only 3737
hiakkan^ thus requiring the product of 739 years. Nor
can we count the men who will be killed by the poison-
ous process. 3. Were the silver restored it would not
correspond to the gold unless that also is restored, and
so prices will vary with the two metals. But if we make
the silver coins smaller than at present but of standard
purity, botli the silver and the gold will answer. These
were the opinions of the artizans of the Ginza. 4. If the
rate of exchange is again put at 60 me for one gold ryb
there will still be exchange to pay on the silver, for silver
has been mixed with the gold, and copjx^r with the silver,
and gold has been reminted once, and silver often, so there
are three grades of old and six of silver. To purify the

206 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

gold and reduce the size of the coins by half, and to fully
restore the silver will not accomplish the desired object, for
the relative values will not be restored. 5. Both can not be
restored nor can the government force them to pass as of
equal value. Let 10 fftan ryb of good gold be issued each
year, and let the debased silver be gradually called in, thus
its price will rise and values adjust themselves. Thus ui^d
the exchangers (the bankers). 6. The low price of silver is
in part from its over issue. Call in half and make good
copper coins out of the copper it contains. This was,
probably, the notion of those who had issued the big
pence at the close of the former reign. 7. Let paper
money be issued and the gold and stiver called in and let
it be decreed that the three pass as of equal value. Coin
copper in large quantities, and with the increase of currency
prices will steady themselves. Search for mines, work
them all, and in ten years or so good coin will be as
plentiful as in Gcnroku, Then bum half the paper and
there will be no adverse critic. So said some of the elders
of a little wisdom. 8. The value of the coins is less and
their number doubled. The price of rice is higher than
in famines yet no one dies of want. That is because the
coins are so many. So let us increase the number still
more, and thus even the value of the silver and gold.
Evidently there has been profit in these re-coinings since
Genroku. It is the exchangers who unsettle prices by their
secret manipulations of the rate of exchange. Even if
the coins are restored to the standard who knows what new
scheme they will invent to injure society. Punish severe-
ly three or five of these men and the people will be com-
forted and the prices of gold, silver and everything will
be steadied. Thus thought the military folk. Folks take

Knox : — Autohiography of Arai Hakuseki, 207

wealth as wealth and profit, but misled by these evil ex-
changers they clamor for a re-coinage, which cannot be.

All these were wrong, as I showed before setting forth
my own views. (It all made three volumes.) Zembo
Asson well knew the puipose of the late Shogun and the
urgent need but he came to think its accomplishment
impossible in such a conflict of opinions. He was greatly
pleased with my views, consulted the Council of State
and on the 20th September the treasury magistrates
decided to carry out the late Shogun*s decree. (This
decision was of my writing.) But, of course, these officials
desired their private gain and not the good of the Empire,
nor did they understand the subject, and as they did not
wish to be reproached for failure there was no one to
carry out the project or to reply to objections. So it was
necessary to a[>point someone and Zembo Asson with
the Council of State appointed seven men.

A merchant of Sakae, Idzumi province, named Tani
privately wrote his views on this subject to a friend in
Kyoto who forwarded the letter to me. Neither of these
two men was an ordinary shopkeeper but both had been
samurai. The plan differed from my own but could be
carried out easily and as I knew the value of the opinion
of a business man I showed it to Zembo Asson, who
was gfreatly pleased at there being two ways of doing
that which he had regarded as impossible. I said I
should like to meet the man and was soon informed of
his arrival in Edo. I sent for him and said, ** This is
not my business but as it is for humanity, and for the
nation lay your plan before the officials." He replied,
" I know a relative of Yoshimasa " (one of those in charge
of the re-coinage.) " I too know him well *' I said, ** Tell

2o8 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki,

your friend. It is very fortunate." So I told Yoshimasa
and asked him to sfend for Tani, and Yoshimasa was
much pleased saying, *' I have consulted so many to no
purpose that I am made very happy by this."

So he heard Tani, questioned him, consulted with others,
and on February 2, 17 14, told Takatomo Asson the chief
in charge. Zembo Asson of course knew all about it and
left it to the seven men.

In the east, gold and copper had been chiefly used
while in the west, it was mostly silver with some copper,
and so the greatest troubles from the debased silver had
been there, and Tani's plan had to do with that section.
But as the decree bade the restoration of both metals
and as the re-coining of one would cause new complica-
tions I consulted with Yoshimasa about the gold. But
most officials thought best not to touch it as folks here-
abouts were not troubled greatly by the debased silver,
and as half the value of the gold would be lost. Most
people supposed that a ryd of the old would be exchanged
for one of the new, and all decided to study the subject.

In Genroku silver was mixed with gold, and copper
with siver. The size and form of the coins were retained
and their number was doubled. But only blind men
could fail to know that half the gold had been replaced
by silver, and no one will sell an article worth 100 ryd
for less than 200 ryd. So with silver, though prices seem
to rise, it is only because folks see that 200 ryd represent
only 100 ryd. So an increase in the false number adds
nothing to the true one, and if our return to the standard
seems to cut down 200 ryd to 100 ryd it is only the false
number that is diminished. As we fix prices by law, we
must decree that fifty of the new coins be taken in place

Knox :^-AMhybiogf^(y of A^-ai Htikuscku 209

of one hundred of the old, that no one may lose nor
exchange one cf the old for one of the new. The num-
ber of coins must be halved, how can the present number
be maintained ? Were the products of tl.e mines sufficient
there had been no reasoii for debasing the coinage. The
people are accustomed to false dealing and their doubts
will remain even if we are just, but what if any false
element is permitted to remain ?

All this is very simple, but the officials were so confus^
ed by sophistries that they were convinced only when all
had been explained over and over igain, in repeated con-
ferences which lasted lor days. In the end they saw their
error and adopted Tani's plan.

The silver could be taken from the gold readily, but the
extraction of the copper took much lead and the process
was injurious to the workers, so it was argued. But I
t(Ad them that the Osaka merchants deal in copper)
separafe copper arid lead and take out the silver. If the
process is so deadly how do they do it? Our so-called
silver is really copper with a little silver mixed in and
they would think nothing of getting it out.

So it was decided to examine these men, re^issue both
gold and silver, and establish exchanges for the old and
new coins. On the i6th June 17 14 the edict was issued
and I wrote it at the bidding of Zembo Asson.

The plans contained items I did not approve knd wera
badly executed. Much was stolen, the law was changed
and little good came of it, naturally enough, since men
ignorant and without ability were eager to show What
they could do. Zembd Asson came to agree fully with me.

On June 24 four of the Ginza artizans were banished
and a fifth was dismissed from Edo* Tvvo officials were

2 1 o Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki,

imprisoned in their own houses. They had violated the
ancient laws and had made bad silver, a crime of great
magnitude. In obedience to Shigehide they had caused
much suffering throughout the Empire. Some men
thought they should have been beheaded.

Of old the coinage could be changed only when all
the elders put their seals on the decree, but from Gcnroku
it had been left to the treasury magistrates and, more
recently, to Shigehide with two other officials. That was
through Shigehide's cunning. Then he formed a company
of artizans in the Ginza who carried out his plans.

Their guilt was very great, but all had been left to
Shigehide, and the artizans after all, were not to blame
for carrying out his plans. It was a crime to leave off
affixing the elders' seals, as it was to leave all to him.
This was their method ; — One of the company would
learn Shigehide's wishes privately and then get up an
agitation, and a petition would be sent to Shigehide to do
thus and so, and he would yield and affix his seal to a
decree granting the petition.

But the government makes laws and the people obey ;
if the government violate laws and the people obey how
shall crime be charged against them ? There are diflferent
degrees in crime, leadership, purposed participation and
unwitting agreement. Shigehide's guilt was the most
serious, but he was only removed from office and im-
prisoned at home and was pardoned at the Shdgun's
death. He was not tried, but escaped just punishment
and died of illness. How then shall they be put to death
who sinned with him ? That would imply that his body
should be exhumed and beheaded. But even if dead folks
were conscious, and though you should cut his body into

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 2 1 1

inch bits yet would such an unfeeling spirit as his suffer
nothing, and the display of cruelty would be wantcn
and not in accord with government by superior men of
rightousness and benevolence. Everyone knows that I
opposed Shigehide while alive, and as for these men I
have never seen them and my argument is not for their
sake, but for justice in punishment, the equalization of
the past and present. And so it was that all were judged
guilty of minor offences.

When the books of the Ginza artizans were examined
it appeared that Shigehide had a profit of 260.000 ryb out
of the debasing of the silver, besides pictures and ancient
treasures ; and that he gave 60.000 ryb to his follower
Nagai Hanroku. Whereon, a great outcry arose against
the latter but I argued again, " He was the servant and
it was his duty to obey and so he got the money. If
he is punished so must Shigehide's son suffer. But he
has only 700 koku out of his father's 3700 and so is
punished already. To again lay bare the father's thefts
and again punish the innocent son is to heap hoar-frost on
snow and is not the government of righteous and bene-
volent, superior men. The chief being unpunished we
need not discuss the punishment of subordinates, and
especially with crimes which are unconfessed. All should
be ignored."

So further proceedings were stopped.

212 Knox : — Autobiograpky of Arm HakusekL

SOME QUESTIONS OF PRECEDENCE
AND PRIVILEGE.

I was not invited to the ceremony on the third anni-
versary of the Shogun*s death but was told of it the
following day. So when I met Zenibo Asson I told him
I should resign, since I had not been infonw^d of this
ceremony after being consulted about cverythijeg for years.
I should be disgraced did I not resign for I should, spem
to cling to office.

He was astonished and said " What ! I Iiaye. not for-
gotten your words about the young Shogun when bis
iatlier died ancl just the pther day the Shdgtin*$ mothei;
and grandmotl^r said, *^Is Chikugo no Kami w^U? He
was always consulted by the late Shogun andt we- are
safe when he is here.' If you resign I sliall be. bUined
by them and by everyone. Do consider your purposes,"
But I replied, '* Years ago I said, this ends my service,
when my lord died. For three years I have held, on that
I might carry out his purpose, and reform the coifi9gQ
and now that is done. He further wished me to loolc
into the foreign trade at Nagasaki and I have made full
preparations so that others can complete that work. Be-
fore my lord died I had decided to resign, and could I
be induced to change my purpose I should not mention
tlicse details. But, as there would be hostile criticism
were I wholly to withdraw, I will consult with you when-
ever you w ish my advice on matters of great moment."

So Zembo Asson ceased to urge me, but asked me to
postpone my resignation until after the reception of the
Imperial messengers from Kyoto. In the interval I was

Km^ : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki. 2 1 3

asked to a consultation over an important matter. Zembo
Asson met me and sai<l : — *' I have told the elders of your
purpose and of my failure to shake it, though I have tried
earnestly since you were so deep in the confidence of the
late ShoguQ. They tell me to try again in their name
and to insist upon the public injury your resignation will
cause. You will greatly favor us all and and will benefit
the nation by withdrawing your resignation."

** This is wholly unexpected " I said, " and I must con-
sider my answer." So I went home and the next day
sent this reply : — " My purpose was formed long ago and
is. not of this one thing. But I hesitate to set my opinion
against the wishes of those who carry on the government
and so withdraw my resignation." Zembo Asson told
me- that it was agreed to on die next day and said, ** It
k a great iavor to the public and to me." He aslced
me to come again two days later, when I met the elders
as they came fi^om their audience with the Shogun.
Zembo Asson and Chiiryd Asson presented me to them
and when all were seated Zembo Asson said, '* He has
agreed to our request.'* Masanao Asson Tairo said,
**^You aFe not yet old. Take good care of your health,
that yoti may long serve." The otl^ers said, ** You must
help us even though you are ill. Do not worry but
take good care of your spirit." Kii-no-kami Nobutsune
said, "It is long since we have met;" and Yamashiro-
no-kami Tadazane Asson said, "It is our first meeting,
I repfce at the. happy conclusion of this affair.'*

In the eleventh mouth we discussed the gift of land,
of 50 koku ii> value, for tlie maintenance of ceremonies
ia honor of Nan-mei-in, wife of Icyasu and younger sistei

2 1 4 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Haktiseki,

of Hideyoshi. It was a wish of the late Shogun for the
centenary of lyeyasu.

When in the temple Tofuku, Kyoto, I had seen the
pictures of leyasu and of his wife. His picture is in
other temples also but hers here only. As wife and sister
her glory was great while she lived, but I wept as I
found her picture in this little temple, left here with-
out any offerings. The second Shogun maintained cere-
monies in her honor, for she was in the place of mother
to him, and he commanded on his death bed, that land
be given for their perpetual maintenance; but the priests
chose looo ryo instead^ for it was soon after the wars
and temple lands often had been seized and given to
samurai.

On my return to Edo I told the Shogun and said,
" Though leyasu had many children and they had many
mothers, yet Nan-mei-in only was his wife. When peace
was made between east and west, Hideyoshi gave his
sister to be leyasu's wife and adopted leyasu's son. Still
there was no meeting of the two until Hideyoshi sent
his mother as hostage, and then when leyasu went to
Kyoto he said to the men he left behind, " Whatever
comes to me my wife knows nothing of it. Return her
to her father." That shows the heart of leyasu. It was
the decree of Heaven that saved him from injury but we
cannot say his wife was without her influence. Her
virtue • served her own time and posterity ; and, besides,
she was the wife of the founder of the Empire. Why
then is she forgotten save as a petty priest divides his
scanty food for an offering ? '*

The Shogun warmly assented but postponed the endow-
ment until the centenary, lest reproach should be cast on

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Ilakuscki, 2 1 5

tilie neglect of former generations. He spoke about it
'vvhen he died; and the gift was made at this time.

In the eleventh month (December 17 14) came an em-
l>assy from I^oo Choo with congratulations to the Shogun
3.nd the announcement of the accession of their king.
Formerly their communication had been in the Japanese
language but recently they had used Chinese in their
dispatches. They had also changed the style of the box
for the dispatches As in foreign lands there is no Sh5gun,
t:heir use of titles and forms was wrong. Zembd Asson
55poke tp me about it, and I sent them through Satsuma-
i-io-Kami a list of terms they must not use. They sent
^x,n answer asking about various titles and I replied to
"tlieir inquiries and added, ** Tell the king to change the
^liape of his dispatches. The questions come from igno-
r«ince of our past customs and present usage. If they
crannot use the Chinese properly let them use the Japan-
se again. But let them decide for themselves." And
ambassador replied, " We used the Chinese because
f the late Shogun's fondness for learning and wished to
him, but now we will return to the old custom.*'
uma no Kami acted as our representative.

I wished to meet the ambassador, and did so on the
8th of the 1 2th month in the Satsuma mansion, Satsu-

-no-Kami and Yoshitaka Asson being present also.
I wore a robe of peculiar make, a cap, my ordinary
ss^word and a red fan which had been given me by the
icDrmer regent.

In the eleventh month came a request from the priests
of the Zojo temple, that one of the buildings might be
iT'epaired and ceremonies performed there in connec-
t:ion with the centenary of leyasu. Their grounds for

2 1 6 Kfiox : — Autobiography of Aral HtikusekL

this request were these : — we have a picture of leyasu
painted by himself: wc also have his hair and finger
nails : moreover, until the death of the third Sh^un the
temple was honored, but the fourth Shogun did not visit
it during his youth, and now from long neglect the grass
grows thick about the place of prayer. leyasu and his
family were of our sect the Jodoshuy he was learned in
its doctrines, we gave him a posthumous name and his
obituary ceremonies from the fiftieth day, to the third year
when he was taken to Nikko were all here. TTie former
Shogun was also of our sect and desired that tl^ cere-
monies be here, and once more, the ceremonies for the
fifth Shogun are performed in our temple.

The Council of State consulted Zembo Asson and he
came to mc. I told him that the family was not origi-
nally of the Jodoslm but only from the sixth ancestor, of
leyasu : that though the ceremonies of the fiftieth day
were held at Zqjoji they were in private and without the
usual gifts : that the ceremonies of the first and third
anniversaries were not there at all, and that the request
should be refused.

He agreed and asked me to put the answer in due
form. So I wrote three questions asking proof for their
assertions. They could not give it and said their journal
had been burned. I clearly showed errors in their at-
tempts at other proofs and in the end they gave it up.

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, 2 1 7

THE FOREIGN TRADE.

The Council of State in the eleventh month (December
M. 714) discussed the new coinage, for it had been criticised
vvhen issued in the fifth month and disliked, prices rose
lily and every one was troubled.

A merchant named Nojima Shinuemon proposed a plan
the exchange which was approved by the elders, and
.s the news got abroad folks expected an immediate
:hange in the law, and exchange wholly ceased. When
I heard of it I .said, " It is as I expected and the men
"v?vho for their own profit, impede this measure which is
\T the benefit of all, should be severely punished. But
I" the elders go on with their discussions the troubles also
ill continue. Zembo Asson said to me, ** The men who
'^^nderstand the matter are all in Kyoto and if anything
i s done in their absence folks will say, ** It is all Chikugo
»^o-Kami*s doing:" I have sent to Kydto for the men."
lut I replied, ** From the beginning I have sought only
he good of the Empire and care nothing for criticisms."

then he discussed the subject with the elders and sent
to Kydto for consultation.

This was the merchant's plan : — The people of the sixty-

jx provinces, according to the census was 57,096,000,

md since that count was made the number has increased

.n hundred-fold. Take 12 cents from each person to meet

he expenses of the exchange and of the new pence. Then

[ive 70 gold ryo of the new mintage with 1 20 me * of silver

.nd 4 kantnon of copper for 100 gold ryb of the old coins.

* Aooording to standard 50 me of silver (i ;//^=58 grains Troy)
^^qoalled 1 gold tyb. Our kanmon was 1000 cash.

2 1 8 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusekL

With minor modificatioi)s all approved this, but I wrote
showing the folly of it, and set down the outline of my
paper here : — As to the poll tax. The census can be
trusted in foreign lands but in Japan our records are
incorrect. In the time of the emperor Kimmei the
population was set down as being 4,969,890 and in
the time of the emperor Seimu it had grown to
8,631,074, though this is not given in the history. In
China in the dynasty, its most populous period, the 400
provinces had 59,594,978 inhabitants. What faith, then
can we put in the statements of the census quoted ? It
is not intended seriously but is a mere exercise in arith-
metic. It puts 20,000 persons on every hundred kohi of
land with 91,648 over! Let everyone judge where his
neighborhood holds such a mass even after this century
of peace. Can we take 1 2 cents for each person of a
population an hundred times greater than the census
names ? If we allow 200 persons to each koku of land,
we shall need one kivaimnc^ 300 mon from each man
if we are to exchange ryo for ryj. The rich are few, and
the poor many, and how shall men find such a sum who
are obliged to support parents, wife and children on
50 to 100 mon per day ? Besides, all the pence in ex-
istence would not suffice, for we know how many have
been made since Kanei (A.D. 1624- 1643) and may add
an equal number for older pieces. Then too, as in China
also, old folks and children are exempt; and there are
many wandering priests and merchants, nor do we even
know how many persons are born each morning, nor
how many die at night. How can we collect a poll

* I k7uamme=\o lbs. Troy. loo mon was 58 grains Troy.

Knox : — Autobiograpliy of Aral HakusekL 2 1 9

tax? Besides how unjust a law that disregards the dif-
ference between rich and poor! But if one new ryo be
given for two old ones, the loss will fall on the rich and
not on the poor, many of whom do not get a ryo piece
in a year, and the poor are double in number the
rich.

Look at the proposed ratio ! VVe ,have gold enough
for half the number of coins, where is the additional gold
to be found so that we may give 70 ryo for an hundred.
And silver is to be given too, but where shall we get it,
as all extracted from the gold coins is to be re-minted?
And the plan requires enough copper to use all the
product of our mines for 294 years at least! Surely it
is wholly impracticable. There must be another way.'*

Everyone was told to write his ideas, but no one had
any and I did aiot need to write again. It was decided
to punish all who had opposed the new law, and tl^ugh
the punishment was death it was mercifully lightened one
degree, and they were banished to islands. When Nojima
heard of his punishment he fainted ! And Yamato-no-
Kami Shigeyuki said, " How could so great an affair be
entrusted to a man of so little spirit ?

After this the exchange was carried on as at first.

During the winter we discussed plans for carrying out
the will of the late Shogun as to foreign trade. From
his accession the copper supp'y had been too small, and
the magistrates complained that trade ceased to the im-
poverishment of the people. The Ginza merchants were
told to furnish the copper but could not, for the output
diminished yearly and the price rose. They could not
ulfill their contracts, and after two years it was takene
ffrom them and given to merchants in Osaka, but ther

220 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki,

was not enough after the home needs were supplied, prices
rose and holders would not sell.

So in Nagasaki the weaker folks traded secretly with
the foreigners and the stronger went to sea and met the
ships and traded there. The foreigners do not follow the
established routes, but sail to and fro, athwart these wicked
traders and barter with them. The foreigners land, get
water, cut the nets of fishermen, take seawead from wo-
men and children without payment, drive off rescuers with
swords and spears, and repel with guns armed boats.
From the time of Genroku our treatment of the Chinese
had been very mild and our folks had been forbidden to
attack them, the magistrates* servants being beaten and
dismissed if they drew their swords. So the foreigners
became very overbearing.

Even Hollanders began to engage in this illicit trade,
something never known before. The magistrates asked
for more stringent laws and I remarked, " It is intolerablq
that these merchants should despise our land which we
are taught excels all others in chivalry ! "

In anciejit times the number of ships and the amount
of money allowed for this trade was unlimited, but from
Teiko 2nd (A. D. 1685) gold 50,000 ryo was set as the
limit of the Dutch trade and twice the amount, in silver
for the Chinese trade. In 1688 the limit of Chinese
ships was set at 70. Later on the amounts were in-
creased, as certain merchants were permitted to use copper
until the supply became too small and these evils fol-
lowed."

The magistrates had no practicable advice to offer.
Already in the late Shogun's reign I had written up tlie
subject in eight volumes, containing two hundred and

Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Haktiscki, 22 1

e/er^^^n points great and small, and refer all who arc
^ntc^r-^sted to my books.

itil Kcicho 6 (A.D. 1601) foreign ships might come

"trade anywhere, but that was the period of the great

dynasty in China, and their laws permitted only

ssed boats to come. Only foreign ships of war then

to Nagasaki. The Dutch in Kcicho 5 first went

.kae near Osaka, but in Kcicho 13 (A.D. 161 1) their

was transferred to Hirado, and two years later to

usaki. The Chinese trade was confined to Nagasaki

'^icho 13. The Chinese emperor Kanghi of the Tsing

sty, removed the restrictions of foreign trade and

than two hundred boats came. After our re.stric-

were made, limiting the number of boats, all

li came in excess were .sent lack, aixl each boat

E.n the {X^rmitted limits was allowed to trade only

le amount of 160 lavammc, and all surplus freight

stored.

"It as the ships came from a distance and large pro-
"^^ ^vere diesired, the Chinese wished to sell all their

J, and our merchants too were keen for this illicit
;, as the restrictions on the legal trade were severe
*^^^ the profits small.

"■"^^^ the late reign the Nagasaki magistrates were asked

* statistics, and it api)eared that one fourth of our gold

^ *^ three fourths of our silver had been exported in an

*^^:ired years, and these reports did not include the

^ *^ ^^^ of Tsushima with Korea, nor that of Satsuma with

^^^^^^ Choo. So in another century half of our gold will

* ^^^*^ gone, and all of our silver, while our copper is

ly insufficient for our domestic needs.

*t is not right to trade our lasting treasures for their

222 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki.

toys of ail hour, nor to hurt the Empire for such pal
profits. If we must have books and medicines fr
abroad, estimate our annual production of the preci«
metals and our home consumption, and then determ
how much may be permitted to the foreign trade
Nagasaki, Tsushima and Satsuma. Without these d
we cannot settle upon the amount. The number of be
and their lading must be limited, or we cannot stop ill
trade. In this way the cargoes will be sold complete
our laws will be obeyed, foreigners will cease to desj
us, our authority will be extended a thousand miles ;
our treasure will last forever.

It is only the poor in Nagasaki who are beggared
the loss of trade, and the reason will appear if an
vestigalion is made, though it is unnecessary to set fc
the origin of this guilt. I^ct magistrates be chosen,
laws reformed and censors appointed for Nagasaki,
well as for Kioto and Osaka and both Nagasaki and
the western and central provinces will be benefit
This is only an outline of what was detei-mined by
late Shogun. The law and the legal decisions were 1
the serpent of Josan, which saved head and tail, tail i
head helping each other; not one of the many det
should be changed or an addition made.

The law has not been enforced because the mercha
wanted large trade, and the magistrates did not red
the customs in proportion to the lessened number
boats. In Shotoku 5 (1715) February, messengers
Edo arriving in Nagasaki in March, and the new h
were promulgated in April, and later the Chinese w
informed. Those of the Chinese who agreed to
new laws were given licences and those who refused w

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haktiseki, 223

expelled. In June the laws were sent to the daimyb of
the central and western provinces.

It had been thought easier to gain a livelihood and
larger profits if the original prices were low, and that
prices would be low if the importations of cloth and
medicine were large. No one thought of the Empire
and all argued like men who know neither the beginning
nor the end, like men who in the morning do not think
of the night. So lightly would they change the laws,
being misled by this talk, and would let the evils con-
tinue. *

THE ILLNESS OK THE SHOGUN: HIS
MARRIAGE ENGAGEMExNT: PUNISH-
MENT FOR KILLING AN UNCLE:
THE FIRE IN THE PRISON:
KIDNAPPING CHILDREN.

In the early spring the Shogun was ill, medicine did
no good and new physicians were chosen. At two
0 clock August 10 when returning home I met Yama-
shiro-no-Kami, and Tadazane A.sson hastening to the castle,
^nd my men told me Yamata-no-Kami Shigeuki Asson
had also gone with a crowd of retainers. I wondered at
't and as I went out of the gate heard that a bearer of
Tadazane Asson had fallen from fatigue. I wondered

* llie new law was written by Arai. It limited the number of Chinese
•wat5 to thirty and the Dutch lK>at.s to two : the copi)er to i,5<X),900 ix)un Is
(one pound Japanese cc^uals one and one-third jwund avoirdupois) and the
Mlver to 3,000 fraHvnme (one huHwime is ten lbs. Troy).

224 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

more and more, and the next day was told that we all
must assemble at the office.

Kii-no-Kami, who had been left in charge, thinking
the Sliogun's death imminent sent for the elders, and they
summoned every one. That evening the elders discussed
the succession and Zemb5 Asson then for the first time
told them the late Shogun*s decision. The medicine
however tock effect ; but a month later Nobutsune Asson
died of paralysis. So difficult are calculations about
worldly things.

While the Shogun was ill some of the men who had
been favored by his father sought to ingratiate themselves
with Kii-no-Kami. Oh! Who can be trusted? So too
when Lord Kofu was heir apparent did one of the ruling
Shogun*s men seek his favor. But he gained nothing,
as was right.

In the winter Bungo-no-Kami was to have gone to
Kyoto to arrange the marriage of the daughter of the
abdicated Emperor to the Shogun. It would have been
the first alliance between the families and most thank-
worthy. But it is now like an unfinished dream.

This year Nobutsune Asson sentenced a murderer of
an uncle to a punishment one degree less than beheading,
on the ground of a precedent in the late reign. Zembo
Asson dissented and asked my opinion ; and I could not
agree that one who killed his uncle should be punished
less severely than an ordinary murderer, nor could I find
the alleged precedent. *

The last day of the year a fire started in the middle

* The slayer of a parent had his head sawn off and his wife and
children killed ; the slayer of an uncle had his liead sawn off and his wife
and children punished one degree less than death.

Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki. 225

of the night in Tadanaga Asson's mansion and burned
many houses, not being out until 10 a.m. New Year's
day. The comminghng of firemen and folks in their robes
of ceremony, in the streets, was strange.

On the nth was another fire and the prison burned.
Many prisoners escaped, among them some whose trials
were still unfinished though begun sixteen or more years
before, until the accusations against them were forgotten,
their friends were dead and they had nowhere to go.

The magistrates wanted to know what should be the
punishment for the run-aways and Zembd Asson asked
me. "According to their crimes, of course" I said.
'* It is an offence to run away and yet, such folks natur-
ally seek even a day of freedom. But why have those
persons whose guilt remains so long unproved been
omitted from the list of pardoned prisoners? To punish
severely now would be merciless, but to prevent such
attempts in the future, decree that the punishment of those
who run away shall be increased one degree^ and that
of those who do not flee the punishment shall be lighten-
ed one degree. Pardon this time those who are still
unconvicted, and lighten the punishment of all who do
not try to escape. Do not search for any uncondemned
person who has escaped, for their flight was caused by
the cruelty of the magistrates and is a disgrace to the
government." But my advice was not followed.

It was decided to tie to a cross the decayed body of
a man who had killed his lord seven or eight years pre-
viously, and had died in prison. His body had been
preserved in salt. Such horrible lawless things call for
no discussion.

From the spring of last year child stealing was much

226 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki,

talked about. This is the case as it was finally decided r
— A chemist ot Suidocho named Seibei, of Ise province^
hired two young boys, Saburobei and Tobei, and the^
younger disappeared. In the spring the elder boy saw^
the lad in a beggar's house, and told his master who atr
once fetched his boy home again. Thereupon a ronirr^
named Yamada Masauemon appeared and claimed the
boy, saying " He was entrusted to me six years ago by
his father Dosan of Kdshu. I made him servant to a
doctor, but as he proved a worthless fellow I gave him
to this beggar." Yamada was very angry and entered a
complaint. Dosan and the lad were examined and both
died in prison before the trial ended. Then the question
was, what shall be done to Yamada? and I advised that
his punishment should be a degree less than death and
he was sent to an island. For during the trial when
Dosan and the boy met, the boy did not know him and
Dosan cried, "What! Not know your father !" and struck
him so that he fled ; but when a man was brought from
Ise the lad rushed to him, crying "Father!" and also
knew the men who brought the father. The case was
clear, but Yamada and D5san would not give in, and the
stupid merciless officers would not decide but let the lad
and Dosan die causelessly in prison. After their death
Yamada said " One hardly can say he was D5san*s son,
after so long a time!" We could not find what had be-
come of Dosan 's son.

The two daughters of Kusuke of Funatsu village, pro-
vince of Kii, were enticed away as follows. In Shotoku i
(171 1) Doju keeper of the Omiya inn, Shinagawa, Mu--
sashi province, gave Kibei, his servant, twenty gold ryo
and sent him to buy some maid servants. Finally Kibei

Knox : — Aiiiobiography o/ Ann Ilakiiscki. 227

:ame to Funatsu village and found an old couple with

ivo daughters. They were very poor. Kibei told them

is master would make them all comfortable if they

ould go with him. So they started. At Totomi was

^3. barrier which could be passed only by those who had

;Xpasscs, and the penalty for going without a i>ermit was

^crucifixion. But the simple folks did not know of the

arrier, and Kibei hired people of the neighborhood to

ead them around it by mountain paths to Mitsuke where

e rejoined them. Then he told the parents what he

ished of the girls, but they refused to let them be ser-

ants in an inn. However, as they could not go home

II went on to Shinagawa together. They arrived in the

ith month, but Doju pretended to be very angry and

rove them all out of his house, scolding Kibei for get-

ing such young girls. Kibei was in great trouble. He

pt and pleaded and at last was told, ** Sell the girls to a

rothel ! " There was no other resource, so a procurer was

lied and the girls were sold to the New Yoshiwara for

50 gold ryo. The procurer was given 34 ryo ni bu,

ibei 7 ryo, the father 7 ryoy and Doju kept the rest.

" -ihe girls were said to be from Suruga.

The parents had nowhere to go and became the ser-

"^^nts of their daughters' master, and there soon after, the

smother died. All who heard of this terrible condition

;^>itied the unfortunates, but the father was kept from

snaking a complaint by the guilt incurred in stealing past

"^e barriers. At last however, he went to Kii-no-Kami

'"^vho referred him and his complaint to the magistrates.

-All concerned were examined and during the dilatory

^nd unnecessary process the father died in prison. And

^tte magistrates decided : — *' The father's guilt was great

228 Knox : — Autobiography of,Arai HahisekL

because, thongh he did not know of the barrier at fii
he did not confess as soon as he found out about
Let his head be cut off, sent to his native village a
exposed there : let the men who guided the party p
the barrier be beheaded or crucified : let the girls rem.
with their master or be made servants and let the ii
keeper be driven from Shinagawa or banished to an
land." But my decision was this : —

" The man should have complained at once when
learned of the barrier, but his error needed no sev
reproof, such a simple old man and so misled ! The 1
of Gcnwa 5, (A.D. 1619?) restores stolen folks to 1
lawful owner, how then can the girls remain with
brothel keeper? I need not discuss the plain guilt
the guides. The inn-keeper's offence comes under
law which decrees death to those who buy and sell m
Why lighten his punishment?* He deceived these peoj
got them past the barrier, sold the girls to the Yos
wara and took the profits." So I decided and so it \
done. The girls were sent home to Kii.

The magistrates left the case to their clerk and
latter were bribed by Doju and the brothel keeper. Wi
is to be said when such officials have the awarding
punishments ?

A request came in from Kyoto in the name of the ;
dicatcd cmixiror, that the Todai temple in Nara be pern
ted to collect funds throughout the empire for the rebui
ing of a portion of the edifice. Precedents were s<
with the petition. Zcmbo Asson sent the petition to
expressing his dissent, but adding that he did not \
how we could refuse an emperor and an ex-emper
But I criticized the precedents and showed why wc ik

Ktiox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki, 229

not agree, arguing that the response would be small be-
cause of many extraordinary imposts on the provinces
and that such a result would seem disrespectful to the
Emperors. An answer was sent accordingly, and it ap-
peared that it agreed with the wishes of the Kyoto
rulers, but that they had yielded to the importunity of
the Nara priests. *

THE CHINESE TRADE: SOME CRIMINAL

CASES.

Last year the new commercial laws were made, and
this year the men from Canton and Fuken, who had
licenses, came and traded ,but on one came from Nanking
and Nimba. Later, one Ritoshi came from Fuien with
this tale, — The Nanking and Nimbu men have been ac-
cused of plotting against the government and adopting
a foreign " year-name " because the Japanese " year-
name " is on their licences. The accusation came from
men who failed to get licenses, and though the men
protested their innocence their licenses were taken away.
So they cannot come, but I went to Canton and sailed
from that port. So far Ritoshi ; and the Nagasaki
magistrates wrote, " It looks as if the Chinese wish to
break our laws .and send boats as before, but we are not
sure of the truth of this story and shall keep Ritoshi
until others come."

When Zemb5 Asson asked my opinion I told him that
there would be difficulty in enforcing the lawi Even at
home we had trouble in carrying out the laws about the

230 Knox : — Autobiography of Arm Hakuseki.

new currency, and it will take from three to five yeair
to enforce this one completely as it effects foreign lands
The leading men said the regulations for the Korea*
embassy cannot be carried out, but they were as the
Shdgun insisted. But now the Shogun is a child anc
it is impossible to mark out a determined course of
action.*'

Zembo Asson again consulted with the elders and I was
called. On the i8th April (17 16) Tadanaga Asson took
me to the Council of State. First Kawachi-no-Kami,
who was in charge of this business, and then each of
the others expressed his opinion, as follows ; — The laws
follow the wishes of the late Shogun but they will be in
vain if this request from Nagasaki is agreed to. You
were deep in the confidence of the late Shogun and we
are prepared to follow your advice. I replied, —

"As I told Zembo Asson, when the laws were made
I anticipated trouble, and as I am ill and old, do not
expect to live to see them completely enforced. But
they can be enforced, if they are all insisted on and
nothing changed."

Zembd Asson agreed, and after a while all agreed that
this was the only possible course. Then being without
excuse, I promised to attend to it, and wrote at once
to the Nagasaki magistrate to the following effect; —
" Under Heaven all evil is one, and as we will permit no
one to come in violation of our laws, we will not admit
Ritoshi, who confesses that he has violated the laws ol
his country by coming. Send him back at once."

The magistrates wrote that another man had come
with a Chinese license, but when I saw it I said, — ** It 15
not a license to trade in Japan for it does not confonr

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hahiseki. 23 1

to ancient usage. Send this man home also." So both
were expelled.

One morning a young samurai killed a robber on the
bank of the Baniu river and was arrested by the neigh-
bors and taken to the officials. On examination it ap-
peared that he was a samurai named Sakai Johachi, 20
years old, and that he had fled from his lord, Totomi-
no-Kami and was travelling to Suruga. Between Totsu-
ka and Fujisawa a big man joined him and, near the river,
thrust his hand into Sakai's bosom to take his things,
when Sakai killed him with one stroke of the sword.
The officials praised the deed but put Sakai in prison
for leaving his lord.

To me it seemed that thieves would take his impri-
sonent as a punishment for killing one of their number,
and so would be emboldened and increase to the injury
of travellers. So Zemb5 Asson sent for the minister of
T5tomi-no-Kami, and asked him if the matter could not
be arranged and said that it was a shame to punish a
young man who had killed a robber. So the minister
saw his lord and Sakai was declared innocent and
released.

About the same time Yamato-no-Kami said to Nori-
yuki the younger brother of Zembd Asson, " Your direc-
tions to that merchant cannot be carried out." "What
directions?" asked Noriyuki, and investigation showed
that his name had been forged to an order permitting
a merchant to coin gold, and that Noriyuki's wife was
implicated. Some of the men concerned in this were
crucified and others were banished. I said to Zembd
Asson. '* This comes from the prevalence of bribery and
corruption, and that is why the merchants are full of

232 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki.

these schemes. It must all be stopped or we shall have
these terrible scandals constantly." So Zembd Asson
consulted with the elders and a law was issued. (Even
I was offered 500 gold ryo last year by a priest in con-
nection with the Nagasaki affair, and a further promise^
was made of 300 ryo annually to each of my sons if the
desired plans were caried out. What then was probably
offered to men of high official rank?)

A complaint was made against some men living on a
plain between Ajiro village and Toguchi village, in Kam-
bara township Echigo province. Funakoshi Saemon sent
from Edo two constables who arrested a man, supposed
to be a robber, named Gouemon and his five followers.
The constable tried to hand over the band to the Ajiro
authorities, but these would not take chaise of them but
declared the men not under their jurisdiction. The
constables then went to Toguchi, only to be told that
Gouemon was a tenant of the Shogun. The constables
accordingly went to Kaiya on the Shogun's estates, but
were again refused. The Shogun's deputy was at
Idzumozaki, twenty miles or more away and two hun-
dred miles from Edo. A company of fourteen men or
more was collected* including the constables, prisoners
and men armed with swords and spears, and they start-
ed one day and arrived the evening of the next. Again
custody of the prisoners was refused, and the con-
stables were told the men should be imprisoned and
tried where the crime was committed. By this time
the constables* funds were exhausted, and they could not
take the robbers to Edo without passports and so, after
consultation the prisoners were set free and the con-
stables returned, to Edo with their excuses. Saemon

Kftox : — Autobiography of Ami Hahiscki, 233

^ent the constables back again with instructions for the
local ofiidals.

At the end of the next month the father, son and one
other man were taken, and given in charge at Toguchi
and soon after the others were arrested, and all were
brought to Edo.

Censors and magistrates made an investigation, and the
oiks of the villages were also examined and the results
sent to Edo. There it was proposed to send men to the
place, and have them discover to which village the rob-
bers belonged. But I told Zembo Asson, '' The exami-
nation only touches the leaves and branches of the case.
The residence of the men was put on the plain between
the villages, after consulting with the inhabitants of both
in order that it might be under the jurisdiction of neither.
The robber's testimony does not agree with that of the
villagers. His place, by the map, is only three-fourths
of an acre in extent and is separated from Taguchi by a
grove of cedars which the Taguchi folks say is their
boundary. But the boundary has been changed, evident-
ly, since this land was occupied, to avoid [trouble. But
in any case the villages were wrong in refusing to take
the prisoners. But the main point is different, — Are the
men robbers?" With that the boundary investigation
stopped.

The man's papers showed these facts: — He was born
in Kaya village and was the son of a farmer. His father
died when the boy was four years old, and he was cared
lor by the fourth brother of his mother, until his grand-
father died. Then the lad was cast adrift and became a
beggar. When thirteen he went back to his native place
^jid found an employer. A year later he went to his

234 Knox: — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki.

grandmother's and stayed four years. He married a \f
owed daughter-in-law of a neighboring farmer, and a s
was born, the son now under arrest. But the woma
temper was unendurable and Gouemon could not stay
his father-in-law's house, but left wife and child and w^
to the Kanon temple in Yotsuya and rented land fr
the priests. He brought his son to his new home a
took anotlier wife from the Gosencho village. But
had trouble with the people of that village over so
money he had loaned them, and when they threatened
kill him he took wife and child and finally obtained tl
land, twelve years ago, from these two villages, Aji
and Taguchi.

He built a house and cultivated the land. The villag
hired hini to protect them against robbers, for he h
been with robbers after leaving Yotsuya, and cou
obtain their promise not to molest the villages where \

lived. He had arms too and gathered followers, wandere
like himself whom he cared for. They farmed by da
and patrolled the villages by night. Gouemon becam-
prosjxri'ous and had no reason for stealing. : -

The story the villagers told agreed with Goucmoii*
papers, and it appeared that he had been the guardia/f
of fifteen villages, and that ten years before, when a
thief robbed a temple Gouemon found him and recovered
the proix,Tty. Gouemon's followers too told of his kind-
ness and the strict discipline of his household, not an
article being admitted unless a clear account of it were
given.

When asked, — '* Why did you confess yourself guilty at
first to Saemon?" Gouemon replied, " I could not endure
the torture. There \v^is no owe to help me and I wished

Knax : — AutobiograpJiy of Aral Hakuscki. 235

^r an immediate death. The villagers will testify to the

ruth cf my statements if they are asked."

On inquiry at the places where the crimes were said

:o have been committed, it appeared that there had been

lo such crimes. Especially to the point was the testi-

nony of the Mizoguchi deputy who said there had been

o murders in that domain, and that he would have been

:5n formed had any been committed ; and that the man

Jirosaku of Tsukioku village who is said to have been

xnurdcred died of illness three years ago.

Gouemon's innocence was established. It appears that

there were robbers and laws against them even in the

time of the Sage Kings, though their government was

_just, kindness prevailed and naturally, man's heart was

not inclined lo theft. The vulgar proverb says, *' Lice

on the body, rats in the house and robbers in the state."

Robbers will not cease to be, though so many are put

to death that their bodies are as hills and their blood

as rivers.

Gouemon has repented of his former misdeeds, and has
kept robbers away from those fifteen villages for twelve
years. He should not be put to death for former crimes^,
even if he committed them. That region has been full of
robbers always, and if he is punished for his old offences,
the people cannot sleep in peace at night. Besides, there
are many persorts who w^re once robbers but are now
good subjects. If they are led to think they are to be
punished, they will plan to Hve in luxury by any means,
for at least a day. Such restraint of robbers makes
robbers. The Great Learning says, ** Make new the
people :!' the Analects teach, *' Think not of old mis-
deeds :" the Book of Changes says, ** The superior man

236 Knox : — Aniobiography of Arai Hakuscki,

truly repents and reforms, the common man tries to save
his honor. It is well to forsake sin and live in righteous-
ness."

Let Gouemon be sent back home, restored to his posi-
tion as guardian and let his place be put under the Mizo-
guchi jurisdiction. And do not condemn the folks of
Ajiro, Taguchi and Kaihara. The two constables should
be praised. Why have they been imprisoned at home for
not bringing the prisoners the first time ? It was not the
officers* fault that their funds gave out and that they
dismissed their prisoners. All were finally arrested and
not a man escaped."

On all these points the final decision followed my advice.

THE VILLAGE WAR.

A statement came to the government, about the same
time, from a village, Koremasa, some twenty five miles
from Edo to this effect,-^The folks from this village, to
the number of 1400 or 1500 in the seventh month
of last year went to Shimo-koganai village and created
a disturbance, cutting down trees and bamboos and
grain, and carrying all away. Three leaders were put
in prison but escaped when the prison burned. Some of
the others were deported.

I wondered that nothing had been known of so great
an affair and ordered an investigation. It appeared there
had been a quarrel between two villages over a common
l>asturc for horses, and that on the sixth day of the

Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakiiscki. 237

seventh month of last }'ear, the Koremasa folk stirred
up the people of the neighboring villages and attacked
Shimo-Koganai with bows, swords, spears, conch shells
and war cries. The inhabitants of Shimo-Koganai all
fled and the invaders broke down a house, destroyed furni-
ture and treasures, cut down the grove and trampled the
crops.

It was reported to the deputy but his summons was dis-
regarded. The next day there was another invasion, and
trees were cut down and crops trampled as before. In
all 57,700 trees besides bamboos were cut down, so that
20,000 men must have been present, allowing two or
three trees to each man. In the Shimabara revolt only
30,000 men were engaged, and if so great an affair took
place within twenty five miles, why has it been kept hidden
until now by the magistrates ? What were the magistrates
thinking of, as the laws of the Shogunate for generations
have strictly forbidden combinations ?

The deputy replied that he had reported to the finance
magistrate for that month Ise-no-Kami, as the villages were
on the Shogun* domains : that many witnesses had been
examined and that the offenders were so many that only
the three leaders were deported, and that the case was
settled on the 4th day of the eleventh month.

I asked if it was customary to decide such affairs without
reporting them first ; and the deputy replied, ** The govern-
ment is informed when the offenders are punished and
not before." But the statements of the different officials
did not agree, though all laid the blame on Ise-no-kami.
When Zembo Asson asked, " What shall be done now ?"
the officials replied, "The degree of deportation cannot
be changed." But we deckled that in addition the men

238 ' Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakuseH.

who had escaped from prison should be recaptured, or if
that were impossible that others should be punished in
their stead, and that payment must be made for the damage
wrought. Ise-no-Kami was imprisoned in his own house.
Many lower officials were found guilty and removed from
office.

Such matters are left to subordinates by the finance
magistrates, and so causes are not settled for years to the
great injury of the people. So I proposed a law requiring
all cases to be reported to the Shogun if not heard within
an hundred days. It was enacted; but on the death of
the Shogun, Ise-no-Kami and the lower officials were all
pardoned and the law was repealed, to the joy of officials

•

and the grief of the people.

This year the Shdgun was ill from early spring, and
medicine did not help him, he died at the monkey hour
(four in the afternoon) the last day of the fourth month
(19th June 1716). In accordance with my lord's words
Lord Kii was called to the cattle.

The Shdgun's death was announced on the morning of
the first day of the fifth month. On the seventh the body
was taken to the Zojo temple. (It was the anniversary-
of the fall of Csaka.caslle. * Of all days why did it
happen on this?) I had the same place as at the former
obsequies.

On the twelfth day of the month I gave up my special
apartment in the palace. Zemb5, Tadanaga Asson and
all the officials who had been in the confidential service
of the late Shogun resigned.

* The final victory of Ieya>u.

BASHO

AND

THE JAPANESE POETICAL

EPIGRAM.

3ASHO AND THE JAPANESE
POETICAL EPIGRAM.

Bv Basil Hall Chamberlain.

(Read 4th June^ igo2.)

Japanese ixxims are short, as measured by European
rds. l^ut there exists an ultra-short variety con-
of only seventeen syllables all told. The poets
»an have produced thousands of these microscopic
sitions, which enjoy a great popularity, have been
I, reprinted, commentated, quoted, copied, in fact
ad a remarkable literary success. Their native name
^Xv/ (also Haiku and Haikai*)^ which, in default
better equivalent, I venture to translate by "Epi-

using that term, not in the modem sense of a
1 saying, — ;/// bon mot de deux rimes oniiy as
I has it, — but in its earlier acceptation, as denoting
ttle piece of verse that expresses a delicate or
>us thought. I^fore entering into historical details,

be best to give a few examples, so as to make
^t once the sort of thing to which the student's
:>n is invited. For a composition begun, continued,
tided within the limits of seventeen syllables must

^- - - - - ^ '11-

ee pp. 254 and 260-1 for an explanation of these terms. The Chinese
rs serving to write them are g^, ^^^ ^|g.

244 BasJio and the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

evidently differ considerably from our ordinary notions
of poetry, there being no room in so narrow a space
for most of what we commonly look for in verse.
Take the following as representative specimens: —

15 Naga-naga to
7 Kawa hito-suji ya

5 Yuki 710 hara^

A single river, stretching far

Across the moorland [swathed] in snow.

No assertion, you see, for the logical intellect, but a
natural scene outlined in three strokes of the brush for
the imagination or the memory. Just so in the next : —

* For the sake of those unfamiliar with Japanese prosody, it should be
stated that I. This language acknowledges no diphthongs : — wha* appear
to be such in a Romanised transliteration are really two independent
syllables. II. Final n always counts as a whole syllable. The reason is a
historical one, namely, that this final n generally represents the syllable
mu in the archaic language, which tolerated no final consonants whatever.
Thus the word aruran^ " probably is," counts as four syllables, and actually
sounds so to Japanese ears, llie m in such words as ambaiy amma^ comes
under the same rubric. III. To a similar cause must be ascribed the fact
that syllables containing long vowels count double : — they all result from
the crasis of two original short syllables, as kori^ " ice," from ko-ho-ri.
Some Chinese words with long vowels are written with three Kana letters,
for instance ^ choy " long," as chi-ya-u ^ -^ ^ . As the classical poets
admit no Chinese vocables, such cases do not present themselves in their
compositions. The epigrammatists count all long syllables as ^uivalent to
two short ones, irrespective of derivation and spelling, following in this the
modern pronunciation. IV. Such combinations as kiua^ ^w/z, shu^ cha^ etc.,
though written with two Kami letters, are also treated by the epigram-
matists as monosyllables, because so pronounced.

Applying the above rules, it will be seen that such a verse as No. 3
is perfectly regular in its prosody, because the long syllable yfi of yudachi
counts double. So is the following, where a novice might find it more
difficult to make the count : —

Bashb and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 245

(3)

15 Suzushisa yo
7 Yudachi nagara

5 Iru hi'kage

How cool the air! and through a shower
The radiance of the setting sun.

(4)

15 HitO'ha chirii
7 Totsti hito-ha chini

5 Kaze no ue

A leaf whirls down whirls down, alackaday !
A leaf whirls down upon the breeze.

This last requires a word of explanation. It is not
meant to call up any actual scene: — it is metaphoncaL,
The Japanese poets were in the habit of composing some
lines when taking leave of life, — a death-song in fact.
The tiny comjxjsition here quoted — itself a little leaf fallen
two centuries ago — was the death-song of one of the most
famous of epigrammatists. The words intimate his re-
gret at parting from life, whirled down like an autumn
leaf upon the breeze, to perish utterly and pa^^s out of
remembrance.

These specimens may serve to show the general
character of the Japanese epigram. It is the tiniest of
Wgnettes, a sketch in barest outline, the suggestion,

(2)

15 Gwanjifm ya
7 Kind no oni gii

5 Rei ni kum
On New Year's day, yesterday's dun
Comes to present his compliments.
On the other hand, No. 17 [in/, p. 265) has a redundant syllable, — viz.,
in the second line instead of 7, because the tno of rndshi-agiim counts as
^po. Such cases of imperfect prosody are, as will be noticed later on,
y no means uncommon.

246 Bashd and the Japamse Poetical Epigram.

not the description, of a scene or a circumstance. It
is a little dab of colour thrown upon a canvas one inch
square, where the spectator is left _tp_.^uess^ at_the picture
as best he may. Often it reminds us less of an actual
picture than of the title or legend attached to a picture.
Such a verse, for instance, as

(5)

Ura-kaze ya

Tomoe wo kuzusu
Mura-chidbri

A troop of sea-gulls, and a gust

Off shore that brealcs their whirling flight.

— might it not, without the alteration of a single word,
serve as the title of one or more of the water-colour
sketches shown at any of our modern exhibitions? Or
take this^ one by Basho, the greatest of all Japanese
epigrammatists ; —

(6)
Magusa oji

Hito wo shiori no
NatS7L-no kana

Over the summer moor, — our guide
One shouldering fodder for his horse.

Here anyone familiar with Japanese scenery sees mir-
rored the lush-green landscape, the sloping moor with its
giant grass man-high, that obliterates all trace of the
narrow winter pathway, while the bundle on some
peasant's shoulder alone emerges far off on the skyline,
and shows the wayfarers in which direction to turn
their steps. Across a distance of ten thousand miles
and an interval of two centuries, the spirit of the seven-
teenth century Japanese poet is identical with that which

BasJto and tlu Japanese Poetical Epigram, 247

tiforms the work of the Western water-colourist of
0-day. It IS intensely modern, or at least imbued to the
jII with that love and knowledge of nature which we
re accustomed to consider characteristic of modern times,
fore rarely figures take the chief place, as when Basho
ives us the following

(7)

Ckimaki yiiu

Kata-de m luisamu
HiUU'gami

She wraps up rice-cakes, while one hand
Restrains the hair upon her brow.

A picture this of a rustic maiden at some village fair,
ttending to her business of selling cakes and lollipops
D the holiday-makers, and at the same time not in-
ttentive to her personal appearance. Or take an instance
rom a higher walk in life, from the Samurai caste of
eudal days: —

(8)
Givanjitsu ya

le ni yusuri no
TaclU Iiakan

Tis New Year*s day: — I'll gird me on
My sword, the heirloom of my house.

This, to be sure, is but a single touch, a mere indica-
ion. Nevertheless, as the leading thought, the key-
lote, so to say, of the subject is struck — for was not the
word called " the living soul of the Samurai ? " — it
practically suggests the whole picture. Without any ver-
)ose addition, there rises up before us the image of the
varrior in his stiff-starched robes, ready for elaborate
eudal ceremonies, for war, or for harakiri.

248 Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram.

All the specimens hitherto quoted are on subjects com-
monly called " poetical." But the Japanese epigrammatists
by no means confine themselves to such. They turn
willingly to the homeliest themes. One of them tells
us how cold he was in bed last night: —

(9)

Samukereba

Nerarezu neneba
Nao samushi

So cold I cannot sleep ; and as
I cannot sleep, I'm colder still.

Another exclaifns

(10)

Yobi'kaesu

Fiina-tiri mienu
Arare kana

The fishmonger,^-©!! ! call him backl .
But he has vanished in the hail.

It is as if a window-pane had been thrown open, and
instantly shut again. We have barely time to catch a
passing glimpse of the circumstance hinted at.

A third grumbles, for that " the rainy season of June
has turned his razor rusty in a single night,*' while a
poetess, complaining of that same source of trouble, so
familiar to us residents in Japan, declares that her "em-
broidered gown is spotted before it has even once been
worn.** The washing, the yearly house-cleaning, Christmas
(or rather December) bills, even chilblains ( ! ), come
under the epigrammatist's ken. In fact, nothing is too
trivial or too vulgar for him. Many epigrams have to do
with packhorscs, inns, and miscellaneous incidents of travel.
Some contain historical allusions, or allusions to literature.

Bas/iD and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 249

Some are " epigrams " in the exact etymological sense of
the term, being inscriptions on pictures, fans, etc. Hard-
ly any deal with love, which is surprising, as love takes
liigh rank among the favourite themes in the other sub-
<livisions of Japanese poetry.

So much by way of preface and orientation. The Japa-
nese epigram has had a long and curious history. When
^t its 35enith, it allied itself with a system of ethical teach-
ing ; yet its origin can be traced to a paltry game. The
thing merits investigation.

We find, then, that at the earliest period of which trust-
^vorthy information has survived, — say, the sixth century
of the Christian era, * — ^Japanese verse already consisted
of the same extremely simple elements as characterise it
"«it the present day. So .simple and scanty, indeed, arc these
^^lements that one almost hesitates to employ the term
** prosody " in discussing them. Neither rhyme, quantity, /
3ior accentual stress was regarded, but a mere counting
of syllables, eked out in some degree by adhesion to a
traditional phraseology, more particularly to certain stock-

* The ** Kojikij* which is the earliest surviving work of Japanese
literature, dates only from A. D. 712. Rut its historical notices begin to
^>e credible when dealing with events of the fifth century, and some of the
l>oeins preserved in it may, with a fair degree of probability, be attributed
'^o the sixth century, if not earlier. For a discussion of the whole subject
"^f the credibility of early Japanese history, see the Introduction to the
"Translation of the « Kojikiy'' in the Supplement to Vol. X. of these " Transac-
"^ions ; " also a paper by Mr. Aston in Vol. XVI.

:^ • o lUishd and i/tc Japancsi Poetical Epigram.

'jfiithcts (\\\Q, so-called " pillow-words " *). The style was
naive in the extreme, and expressed the naive sentiments
of a primitive people, to whom writing was unknown or at
least unfamiliar, and literature not yet thought of as an
art. y\ll i)oems were brief, few extending beyond forty or
fifty lines, most to less than half that number. The rule
determining^ iheir construction was that lines of five sylla-
bles and seven syllables must alternate, with an extra line
of seven syllables at the c\\^, to mark the completion ol
the pf>cm. Hut even this simple rule was often violated,
esjx;cially in early times, for no apparent reason unless it
were want of skill. Frequently the impression left on the
ear is that of an almost total absence of metre. Anyhow,
the normal form of the Japanese poem became fixed at

5, 7, 5, 7, 5, 7, 7, the number of lines being thus

always odd. From the beginning, there had been an
inclinati<Mi to prefer poems of five lines to those of any
larger number. Thus the Tanka, or " Short Ode," as it
is termed, of 5, 7, 5, 7, 7 — or 31 syllables in all — was
established as the favourite vehicle of ix)etry. It never
was what we term a '* .stanza :'* — no Japanese poet ever
employed it as the material out of which to build up longer
[MXims b)' adding verse to verse, such composite versifica-
tion never having approved itself to the simple native
taste. When anything longer than thirty-one syllables
was wanted, an indefinite series of 5, 7, 5, 7 lines, with
one of 7 at the end, was resorted to, as already indicated.

An impulse towards such more ambitious efforts \vas
given in the seventh centur}*, by the sudden advance of
civilisation at that period under Chinese and Indian in-

* Kor di'l.iiN »»f tho pillow-wonU, st'c Vol. V., l*t. I. of these "Trans-
.iclii>n-«."

Basho ami the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 251

lence. The quickening of the national intellect through
c advent of a new religion, the remodelling of the govern-
t:nt, the introduction of innumerable new customs, wants,
d industries, the general diffusion of the art of writing,
d the study of Chinese literature, ended by invigorating
en poetry. The years between, say, A.D. 700 and 760,
icn the first anthology — the well-known " Man-ydslai *'- —
IS compiled by Imperial order, witnessed a veritable out-
rst of song. There were ballads, love-poems, elegies,
scriptive poems, mythological poems that sometimes rise
iiost into majesty of expression, occasional poems of
rious import evidently inspired by genuine sentiment.
le foreign influence docs not make itself obtrusively
,t ; it informed, without violently warping, the native
ste. What it contributed to the technique of verse was
liefly a knowledge of that system of " parallelism " which
as the rule in Chinese, and which the Japanese poets
>w adopted as an occasional ornament. Some of these
unpositions of the golden age ran into as many as 50,
), or 100 lines. Generally, however, a thirty-one syllable
irsc on the same subject was appended, showing how
iriously tenacious the Japanese taste was of that diminu-
vc form. Specimens translated literally, both of the
mgcr poems and of the short ones tagged on to them,
ill be found in Mr. Aston *s ** Grammar of the Japanese
C^ritten language " and in his " History of Japanese
literature.'* A contemporary critic might well have
lought that the poetical literature of Japan was marching
:> wards a great future.

Unfortunately, such was not the case. The wider in-
piration died out within a single life-time. The next
irne that an Imj^erial anthology was called for (the '' Kokin-

252 Bas/id and the Japanese Poetical Epigram.

j//^/' published A.D. 905), only five poems out of. a total
of over i,icx) attained to any length, and even these few
arc universally allowed to lack merit of any kind. All
the rest were diminutive pieces each of thirty-one syllables
only, and this continued ever after to be the classical form
of verse. Very dainty some of these little verses are ; for
here again Chinese influence had been active, and had
introduced numerous themes hitherto unthought of, besides
suggesting a far more skilful use of language. The snow,
the moon, the plum-blossom, even the chcrry-blosson which
is nowadays considered the national flower par excellence,
the autumn leaves, — in fact well-nigh all the subjects that
have ever since formed the commonplaces of Japanese
verse, are Chinese importations of the ninth and tenth
centuries. That the native prosody should have survived
unchanged under these circumstances, may appear odd.
The cause is doubtless to be sought in the profoundly
divergent phonetic structure of the two languages, which
,made the adoption of Chinese metres and rhythms physically
impossible. Here is a couple of representative specimens
of the thirty-one syllable stanza, as turned out by innumer-
able poets from the ninth century down to our own day : —

Fnyu nagara

Sora yori liana no
Chiri'kuru wa —

Kiwio no aftata wa

Ham ni ya aruran

When from the skies that winter shrouds
The l)K)ssoms flutter round my liead,
Surely the spring its light must shed
On lands that lie beyond the clouds.*

* The " blossoms " are of course the snow-flakes, which, by a graceful
Chinese conceit, are likened to the white petals of the cheny^lower.

Basfio and tJie Japanese Poetical Epigram, 253

Hana vw mitsu

Hototogisu wo mo
Kiki'/iatetsu —

Kono yo nochi no yo

Omou koto nashi

I've seen the flowers bloom and fade,
I have heard out the cuckoo's note :—
Neither in this world is there ought
Nor in the next to make me sad.

That is, the poet— a true Epicurean — has drunk to
the full the cup of life, and has no fears for the life
to come.

A somewhat free translation must bo excused, as our
English rhymed stanza is not easy to manage. Yet I
hold to it, as fairly representative of the Japanese original,
with which it agrees in length within one syllable (32 instead
of 31), and also because, when halved, it will serve better
than aught else to render the epigram. * In the case
of the epigrams, which are far easier to translate, all
the versions given in tWs paper are literal, — as literal, that
is, as the disparity between English and Japanese idiom

* The whole question as to the 1x:st equivalents for alien metres is a
notoriously diflficuU one. Some ingenious reader may point out that the
Japanese epigram has exactly the siime number of syllables (17) as the
hexameter, when the latter runs to its full length of five dactyls. Never-
theless, I should not select that form as an equivalent in the present case,
{lartly because the hexameter always sounds exotic in English, whereas the
Japanese measure to be represented is nothing if not i)opular and familiar ; but
still more because the Greek or I^tin hexameter possesses a grand reson-
ance, and is in itself a complete unit perfectly rounded off, whereas the
fonn of the Japanese epigram is essentially fragmentary, as will be explain-
ed later on. The somewhat jogging form which I haye chosen, with its
elementary metre and its suggestion of fragment arincss, appears to mc to
suit the case better.

254 Bas/io and tJie Japanese Poetical Epigram,

will allow. But in the specimen thirty-one syllable od<
here quoted it is rather to the form that I would invit

! attention than to the matter, because in this particular forr ^
O the epigram had its origin. It will be noticed that ^
dash has been placed after the third line of th<^
Japanese original. This is because the voice always pauses
in that place, after what is termed the "upper heiriistich"
Qap. Kami no ku, also Hokku, lit. ** initial hemistich "),
consisting of 17 syllables. The ** lower hemistich " {S/timo
no ku or AgekUy * lit. *' raising" that is '* finishing hemistich'*)
consists of 14 syllables. The slight pause made between
them for rhythmical purposes causes each to be recognised
as a semi-independent entity, even when the sense flows
on widiout interruption. This fact had an important result
in what came after.

And now the Chinese influence, which so far had acted
for good, took a baneful turn, introducing conventionality

V and frivolity. Poets — shall we rather say poetasters? —
were no longer to draw their inspiration from their own
hearts, and from the incidents of their lives : — ^they were
encouraged to write to order. The social state of Japan
at that period fostered the evil. There could be no popular
or national literature ; for the mass of the nation still lay
beyond the pale of the only literary influence then known,
— an alien one. The cultivation of letters was accordingly
almost confined to Court circles, a Court itself bereft of
political power, and where life had sunk into an effem-
inate round of ceremonies and diversions alike puerile and
tiresome. Poetical tournaments (uta-azvase) became a
favourite pastime. In imitation of Chinese usage, themes

* The Colloquial expression agekit fw hate /«', ** the end of it all," comes
from this, being literally "at the end of the hemistich."

Basho attd the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 255

^^^ ^^t, courtiers* wits were sharpened against each other,
^ Ptizes were adjudged. We even hear of gold dust
^f landed estates being bestowed on successful com-
^^^^ors; but real poetry had ceased to live.

T^he next step was the introduction, at these poetry
tournaments, of a Chinese game resembling our "capping
verses." At first, in the ninth and tenth centuries, the
lords and ladies of Kyoto composed Chinese verses as near-
ly as possible after the mode prevalent at the Court of
Nanking, on rhymes officially given out, and according to
the intricate rules of Chinese prosody. But when, in the
eleventh century, their first pro-Chinese ardour had cooled,
and the task of writing in a foreign tongue was felt to be
too irksome, they fell back on the traditional native stanza
of thirty-one syllables. The game, then, in this stage, con-
sisted in either fitting on a first hemistich to a second, or a
second to a first. This was termed Renga, lit. ** h'nked
verses.'* Sometimes, supposing a second hemistich to have
been given, ingenuity was exercised by the composition of
more than one suitable first hemistich, whose merits would
be discussed, and the palm awarded to the best by an
umpire. The independence of each hemistich thus became
accentuated ; and if the second and less important half were
to fall off, the Hokhi or first hemistich would remain as an
independent entity. This is what did in fact happen, and
the form of the epigram was thus determined.

Things, however, did not at first move in that direction.
For a long time — three or four centuries — the tendency
was the other way ; and here comes in the most curious
part of the story. Instead of producing an ultra-short
variety of verse, the new game seemed more likely to
lead to a long and intricate variety. It would certainly

• » .1
I'

256 Baslio and tlu Japmtcse Poetical Epigram.

have done so, had not the bent of the Japanese min^ ^
been too decid:dly towards the small, the sketchy, n^^
less in poetry than in painting and carving. The " linkecn^
verses,*' which, down at least to the year 11 24, had consist —
ed of two members only, — one upper and one lower*
hemistich, — were extended to a lai^er number, in imitation
of Chinese models. This change had taken place by the
beginning of the thirteenth century ; and as the ^arjEastern
^' \\^'^ mind habitually submitted all matters — even the most
trivial — to rigid rule, a code was drawn up for the
guidance of verse-cappers. This code appeared in several
recensions, of which the first dates from A. D. 1087, the
latest from 1501. According to it, the length of a set of
" linked verses " was extended to 8, to 50, and ultimately
to 100 hemistichs, and a certain order was prescribed for
the succession of subjects treated in each set. Thus,
if the Hokhi (** initial hemistich ") spoke of the spring with
special reference to January, the second hemistich must also
refer to January, and end with a full stop. The third
hemistich must introduce some idea appropriate, not to
January only, but to the whole season of spring, and must
end with the particle te, which roughly corresponds to our
English participles in r^ or /;/^; but should the second hemi-
stich have included a te, then one of the particles ni or ran^ or
the phrase mo nashiy must be preferred. The fourth hemistich
is a ** miscellaneous " one, that is, no mention must be
made in it of any of the four seasons. It should end with
some such easy, graceful verbal termination as nari or
keri. No. 5 is called the " Fixed Seat of the Moon,"
because here the moon must in any case be made mention
of; and this and Nos. 6 and 7 are termed the " Three
Autumn Hemistichs, — for the moon, which introduces

Baslw atui the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 257

these three, is the special property of autumn. All the
hemistichs down to No. 6 inclusive are termed the " Initial
Obverse " {Sho-omote^y because always written on one side
of the same sheet of paper ; and (according to one authority
at least) such subjects as religion, love, the shortness of life,
and the expression of personal sentiments are forbidden
therein. Hemistichs 7 to 12 (in some cases 7 to 14) -are the
" Initial Reverse " or *' Reverse Corner " {Sho-ura or Ura-
kado). No. 7, as already indicated, forms one of the three
Autumn Hemistichs ; but in No. 8 and those that follow, the
choice of subjects is left free. The final hemistich (Agekti)^
however, must return to the subject of No. i. The rules
vary somewhat, according to the total number of hemistichs
gathered together into a set. For instance, in one variety
of 36, whose name and number are derived from the Six-
and-Thirty Poetical Geniuses of mediaeval literature, there is
a division into two sets of 1 8 each ; and the first of these is
subdivided into an Obverse of 6 and a Reverse of 12 hemi-
stichs, while in the second subdivision, technically termed
the ** Leave-taking," the order is exactly contrary, the
Obverse having 12 and the Reversed hemistichs, while the
" Fixed Places " for the mention of the moon and of the
flowers are also exactly contrary, being respectively 5 and
n in the one, and 1 1 and 5 in the other. I have here
given only three or four of the technical terms with which
the subject bristles, and will not claim your attention for
the elaborate rules regarding the collocation of subjects and
the choice of words. Their minuteness almost passes
belief, as when, for instance, it is ordained that the word
*^^«, " how ? " may not be repeated except at an interval
of three hemistichs, nor the word bakari, " about," save at
an interval of seven hemistichs ; hototogisu, ** cuckoo," only

258 Bas/io and the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

once in a set of 100, but fiobc, '* moorland/' and viatsu koi,
" love kept waiting," twice. Additional rules provide for
the preferential use of homonyms, — for instance, ka ^,
*' fragrance," instead of ka ^, " mosquito;" for anagrams
of proper names, for alphabetical sequence in the order of
the Ka^ta syllabary, — all this in certain fixed places, — ^as
also for the insertion of words upside down, as mitsu,
** three," for tsinui, ** sin,*' and for the introduction, not of
actual words themselves, but of certain others with which
they may form grammatical compounds. At this point
even the Japanese commentator breaks down, confessing
that the intricacies of the subject begin to baffle him. In
fact, he ventures so far as mildly to suggest that " these
rules, being too mechanical, must have interfered to some
extent with the poetical value of the pieces composed. "( ! )
Easier of comprehension is the classification of all the items
allowed to be mentioned under the caption of each nK>nth.
Thus, under January we find New Year's day, the New
Year sky, certain rice-cakes, a particular kind of wine,
ferns, the straw and other emblems used in New Year
decorations, various ceremonies, lotteries, gifts, the seven
herbs of spring, the plum-blossom, the willow, etc. Wc
also understand without difficulty, though perhaps with
wonderment, that an elaborate set of rules prescribed the
method to be followed in transcribing each set of poems on
paper, as some of the pages were to have more written on
them, some less. The j^aper itself, too, had to be folded
in a peculiar manner, and the various pages possessed
technical names, as already hinted at above.

All this is puerile enough. How far more absurd will
it not appear, when closer scrutiny reveals the fact that
the total of 36, 44, 50, 88, or 100 hemistichs thus tacked

Basho ami the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 259

on to each other by unalterable rule gave no continuous
sense ! In the Chinese models the sense ran on continu-
ously. But either these models were misunderstood, owing
to thjir being read in anthologies which gave only *' elegant
extracts " of the chief *' beauties," or else the Japanese
stanza— or perhaps we should rather say the Japanese mind
of that age — obstinately refused to lend itself to any but
the shortest flights. To be sure, the work was done, or
rather the game was played, under circumstances which
would have cramped more soaring intellects. Notwith-
standing the dominion of Chinese precedents over Japanese
literature, which has already been commented on, a rule
handed down from time immemorial forbade the use in
poetry of any but purely native words. Thus, more than
half the vocabulary was excluded ; for half the vocabulary
was Chinese, and these Chinese words comprised many
of those in most familiar use, besides most of the terms
denoting delicate shades of meaning. Their exclusion at
once limited the scope of poetical expression, helped to
make it artificial, and divorced it ever more and more from
real life.

In serious poetry the ban placed on all foreign terms
proved too strong to break, and has remained in force
down to the present day. The result was that this serious
poetry soon became fossilised in mannerism and vain re-
petitions. But even at Court, — solemn as the Court of
Kyoto was, — a revulsion took place. As early as A.D.
905, we find the compilers of the " Kokin-shu'' admitting
to a corner of their anthology a small set of stanzas of
more or less comic import, or characterised by conceits
which overstepped the limits set by the rules of serious
poetry. Such comic stanzas were termed IlaiJ^ai^^nd the

26o Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram.

taste for them gradually spread. The subjects might \m ^ be
taken from common life ; and common words — Chinese n^ ^^ no

less than native — were admitted into their vocabulary ,^

an innovation of far-reaching effect, for it gave free scopczz

alike to the mind and the tongue, which had hitherto bee •=^^=^^ti
bound in mediaeval fetters. After some time, it becani^c=~ -le
fashionable to compose " linked verses " in the new com^" — ic
or colloquial style, which accordingly received the nau= — le
of Haikai no Renga, that is, " comic linked verses." Tlr =3e

first extensive collection of these was made by one YanK
zaki Sokan, an ex-Samurai who turned Buddhist priest,-
priest, apparently, of the jovial sort, as he forsook t
world less to practise devotion than to be rid of the word'
of feudal service. He lived from 1465 to 1553, and
commonly regarded as the father of the Japanese epigra
although another poet-priest, Sogi Hoshi (1421-1^2) w;
his elder by more than forty years. A noticeable featu
of this period was the downward spread of the taste 1^
this class of poetry into the inferior ranks of society.

Although the custom long persisted — indeed it is
quite dead even in our own day — of linking verses togetim
according to the elaborate and puerile rules mention
above, the Hokku, or " initial hemistich," had gradual
come to be considered more important than all those
were tagged on to it. Its composition was habitually
trusted to the most skilful of the poets present at a
p<x:tr>' meeting, it was rcjxiated from mouth to mouth wh
the others were forgotten, and many anthologies w«
devoted to it alone. Thus did it happen that though t
word Ilokku projx^rly means ** initial stanza," and
no Rcnga properly means ** comic linked verses," t ^
two terms llokku and Haikai have practically run togetlm

Basho and t/te Japanese Poetical Epigram. 261

nto one signification. They, as well as Haiku (which is
cross between the two), indifferently denote what we
lave ventured to term the Japanese " epigram." This
pigram may be defined as a half-stanza originally of a
omic, or at least a colloquial cast, which in time came
o be composed in all moods, — ^grave as well as jocular,
esthetic as well as trivial, classical as well as colloquial.
Its permanently distinctive characteristics are two in num-
3er : — firstly, it is quite fi*ee in its choice whether of subject
Dr of diction ; secondly, it is essentially fragmentary, the
Fact that it is part only of a complete stanza, and that it is
consequently not expected to do more than adumbrate tlie
thought in the writer's mind, having never been lost sight
of. All thfough its history, inditers of epigrams have
devoted no small portion of their time to furbishing up the
missing second halves of their staves. A second stave is
always £here in posse if not />/ esse, — a fact important to
the would-be translator, because it shows him that in
selecting a form for his versions, he shouid prefer one wfilfch
is calculated to produce on the English car the impression
of fragmentariness. If he omits to notice this, he will
fail in his chief duty,— that of rendering in some sort the
movement of the original. The same consideration ex-
plains why the grammar of this style of verse is apt to be
elliptjcal^othe verge of obscurity, — past that verge indeed,
— so that great numbers of verses are unintelligible as they
stand. They are not (technically speaking) meant to
stand so; it is assumed that something ought to follow.
Accordingly, the reader is constantly called upon to supply,
not only missing verbs and particles, but whole clauses.
The Japanese themselves often grope vainly in the obscur-
ity thus caused, as the attempted explanations of the

262 Basfto ami ike Japanese Poetical Epigram.

commentators amusingly testify. IJttle wonder, then, that
the foreign student will be apt to find fully half, perhaps
three-quarters, of the epigrams submitted to his notice
enigmatical. Take this, for instance,

Hatsu-yiiki ya

^ Are mo hito no ko
Tarii'hiroi

lit. First snow, aye ! that too a child of man, picker-ap of barrels.

Such a collocation of words sounds to us like absolute
nonsense. But it is not nonsense ; it is only sense over-
condctised. The meaning is : *' That poor boy, walking
along the streets picking up cast-off barrels* in the first
winter snow, — he, too, and others like him, miserable
though be their lot, yet count among the sons of men,
and as such deserve our pity.'' The s^nrfication is clear
to tlie Japanese without periphrasis or comment, because
they are habituated to siich elliptical modes of expression.
In (act, this verse has passed into a proverb. Or again,

(12)

Yo no naka wa
1 JUikJta minu tna no

Saknra kafta

lit. iVs for the world, oh! cherry unseen darmg three days.

Tliis, too, is proverbial, being equivalent to some such
saying of ours as " The fashion of this world passeth
away." Interpreted more closely, the exact sense conveyed
is that *• The world changes as rapidly as does a cherry-
tree which one should not have visited for the space of three
daj's. He saw it in full bloom ; meantime the wind has
blown, and left not a single blossom on the branches."

Bas/id atid the Japanese Ihetical Epigram, 263

. too, Japanese readers would require no explanation,
arc, however, nunoerous cases in which the process
Icnsation has been carried so far as to baffle even
.iiein. This happens chiefly when the epigram refers tx>
>onie particular circumstance or event, which has been for-
gotten. No ordinary educated Japanese would understand
the following without explanation : —

(13)

Hirosawa ya

HitO'Sfdgurtini
Ntimataro

Hirosazva must probably, says the commentator, be

explained as the name of a place* — a large mere in the

neighbourhood oi Kyoto ; the grammar and metre of the

second line are both shaky ; and the last word Nuviatard

has, it would seem« been coiiied as an equivalent for Jiiild-

kui, a kind of wild-goose, which is here personified as the

eldest son {Taro) of the marsh {nutnd). Thus we arrive at

some such sense as

'< A wild-goose alone in a shower at Hirosawa "

which result, to say the least, sounds unattractive and un-
comfortable. The impression which the author meant to
convey — an impression of gney solitude and dreariness —
could haiie been conveyed with &r greater effect in intelligi-
ble language, — has in fact been so conveyed by other
epigranimatists over and over again, for instance in these
closely parallel lines ; —

(14)

Mozti no iru

No-naka no kui yo
Kaininazuki

lit. *^ Oh ! Che post in the midst of the moor, on whkh a Ivntcher-
biid nBiciKSd — November I "

264 BcisJio and the Japamsc Poetical Epigram.

that is,

" November, with a butcher-bird
' Perched on a post on th* open moor "

a graphic suggestion, truly, of a dreary autumn scene.

The legitimate use of condensation — legitimate because
of the vivid effect produced — is well-exemplified in the
following verse by the poetess Chiyo, which ranks among
the most famous productions of this Lilliputian literary
form : —

(15)

Asagao ni

Tsurube torarete
Morai-mizu

Lit. Having had well-bucket taken away by convolvuli, — gift-water i

The meaning is this : — Chiyo, having gone to her well one
morning to draw water, found that some tendrils of the
convolvulus had twined themselves around the rope. As a
poetess and a woman of taste, she could not bring herself to
disturb the dainty blossoms. So, leaving her own well to
the convolvuli, she went and begged water of a neighbour,
—a pretty little vignette, surely, and expressed in five
words.

But to return to the historical sketch of our subject,
which was interrupted by the need for explanation and
comment. It was mentioned a page or two back that the first
collectors of ** epigrams," as distinguished from the "linked
verses " of which these same epigrams were originally but
fragments, was Yamazaki S5kan, a Buddhist priest whose
long life extended from A. D. 1465 to 1553. Great num-
bers of priests belonging to the Zen sect of Buddhism devoted
themselves at this period, and for a couple of centuries
more, to the art of versification and to esthetics generally.

Basho and the Japanese Fdetical Epigram, 265

Some few Shintoists did likewise. A Shinto priest of the Sun-
Goddess's temple at Ise, named Arakida Moritake (1472-
1549), a contemporary of the just-named father of epigram-
matic poetry, specially distinguished himself; but his
compositions, and indeed all those of this early age,
retained a strong comic tinge. The composers themselves,
despite their ecclesiastical character, were much given to
eccentric frolics, and to all the sans-gette of a semi-lfc>hemian
life. To their honour be it added that, while fun counted
in their eyes for a great deal, money counted for nothing at
all. Yamazaki Sokan is said to have lived on ten cash a
day, and to have had no other furniture in his cell than a
single kettle. The prettiest of his verses that has survived
is the following, which is worthy of the later, classic age ; —

(16)

Koe nahiba

Sagi koso ytiki no
HU(htstirane

But for its voice, the heron were
A line of snow, and nothing more.

How often has not this subject been treated by the Japanese
painter, as a delicate symphony in white ! But, as already
remarked, almost all his compositions verge on the comic,
for instance this one, comparing, not inaptly, the posture of
the frc^ to that which a Japanese assumes when squatting
respectfully, with his hands stretched out on the mats to
address a superior : —

(17)

Te wo tsuite

Uta moshi-agttm *
Kawasn kafia

* Note the polite word moshi-agiiruy used in addressing a sujserior. ■

•.\

266 Bashd and titc Japmtcsc Poetical Epigram.

Oh ! the frog, with its hands on the floor, lifting up [its voice in]
song!

^ Puns were tnuch sought after, as in

(18)

Yo ni ftiru wa

Sara ni shigure no
Yadori kajia

where funi has a double signification : — firstly, construed
with yo, it means " dwelling in the world,'* while secondly
construed with shigure, it means " a shower falling," so
that the entire sense meant to be conveyed — though the
actual words merely adumbrate it — is that ** Man's sojourn
in this world is as transitory as a shelter to which one
may betake oneself during a shower." But to cap verses
cleverly was still the poet*s chief aim. Some one having
proposed as second hemistich the lines

Kiritaku mo ari

Kiritaku 7no nashi

/ I want to kill him, and [at the same time] I don't want to kill

him, —

Yamazaki Sokan immediately added the first hemistich

(19)

Nustibito 7U0

Toracte mircba
Waga ko nari

On looking at the thief whom I have caught, [behold] it is my
own child.

This epigram has remained proverbial for a wish, which,
when fulfilled, turns out to be anything but pleasant.

On another occasion — it was in the tenth month of a
certain year — the Shinto priest above mentioned, on enter-
ing the apartment where a poetical tournament was to be

Dashb afui the Japanese Poetieal Epigram, 267

held, and perceiving that tho whole assemblage consisted
of Buddhists, exclaimed in verse

(20)

O zashiki wo

Mireba izure mo
Kaminazuki

to which Sogi responded with the second hemistich

Hitori shigure no

Furi-eboshi kite

The task of making this intelligible to any one entirely

ignorant of Japan, its language, and customs, might be

abandoned as hopeless. Members of the Asiatic Society

will, however, easily perceive that the contrast insisted on

by the two ready wits is that between the shaven pates

of the Buddhists and the curious gauze cap worn by Shintd

priests over their natural hair. But this is not all : — there

are two puns to be taken into account, and Kaminazuki

is here the first important word. It signifies literally

** the month without Shinto gods." The tenth month of

the year is so styled in Japanese poetical and religious

parlance, because of a tradition to the effect that in that

month all the Shint5 gods and goddesses forsake their

other shrines in order to hold a conclave at the great

temple of Izumo. The sight of a party consisting exclusively

of Buddhists would naturally remind a Shintoist of the

absence of his Shinto gods, and furthermore, as kami means

"hair" as well as *' god," the syllables kami na[shi^

suggest " no hair," in allusion to the Buddhist shaven

heads, so that the upper hemistich comes to mean " On

looking round the ^apartment, I see none but Buddhists."

In the second hemistich the word shigurcy ** shower,"

which has nothing to do with the matter in hand, forms

268 Bashb aiid tite Japanese Poetical Epigram,

a sort of punning " pillow-word " to introduce y«n, which
has the sense of ** raining," and at the same time recalls
fiiniiy " old," thus giving the sense of ** Yes, but there is
one Shintoist among us in his old gauze cap." Both
hemistichs are decidedly clever in the original, though
the sparkle is of course lost and the point blunted by the
laborious process of elucidation in a foreign tongue.

A few more examples of the compositions of this,
the earliest, age of Japanese epigram will be found at the
end of the present essay. The authors above mentioned
each had numerous pupils, by whom their tradition was
continued. But no eminent names are recorded till the
close of the sixteenth century, when a Samurai called
Matsunaga Teitoku (i 571-165 3) became the legislator for
epigrammatic poetry by the publication of a work entitled
'* 0-Garagasal' in which its rules were detailed aj)art from
those that had so long guided the composers of ** linked ^
verses." Of the latter, too, he was the acknowledged
master in his day, and was accordingly nominated by
Imperial decree to the post of Hana-yio-niotOy which may
be rendered '* the Flowery Seat," — a laureateship which
carried with it the control over all minor teachers and
pupils in the poetry schools by the granting or withholding
of diplomas, etc.; for in the Japan of that age everything
was legislated for, — even verse and versifiers. This par-
ticular poet, though highly eccentric and finally blind,
left a flourishing school, from which shone out with parti-
cular lustre five disciples known to fame as the "Five Stars **
(j£ S)- ^^ven such a Confucian scholar as Hayashi Razan,
even so eminent a Japanologue as Kitamura Kigin, did
not disdain to take lessons from him in epigram ; and the
great Basho himself was, poetically speaking, his descend-

Bas/io and tlie Japanese Poetical Epigram, 269

ant in the second generation. His verses api^ear to mc
somewhat formal ; but he had the merit of avoiding vulgar-
ityi Teishitsu (i 608-1 671), one of the ** Five Stars,"
equalled, if he did not suri>ass, his master, though it is
related that he had so poor an opinion of his own pro-
ductions that he considered only three worth preservation,
and committed all the rest to the flames. One of these
three has been held by the best judges* to be the finest
epigram ever written. It runs as follows : —

(22) •

Korc wa kore zva

To bakari liana no
Yoshino-yama

The verse resists jll attempts at adequate representation in
English ; but the gist of it is that the mountains of Yoshino,
when covered with the cherry-blossom, baffle description
by their loveliness, and leave the beholder nothing but
inarticulate exclamations of wonder and delight. This
poet also had five specially eminent pupils, known in literary
history as " The Two Guests and the Three Men " (H^

* By such men, for instance,, as I^hu. But Aeha Koson, an ingenious
modern critic, has pointed out a flaw in the verse : — it is not characteristic
enough. Muiaiis muiandhy the same words might l>e applied to other unique
scenes, as AJy/v wa kore wa — To btikariyuki fw — Fuji no yafna, substituting
Fuji with its snows for Yoshino with its flowers. Among epigrams on
Yoshino, this critic would award the palm to the following (hy the ]Kx:t
Ryota), which could not be transferred to any other scene : —

(21)

Shira-kwno ya

Chiru toki hana no
Yoshino-yama
Its puipoit is to liken the falling ])etals of the cherry-blossoms of
Yoshino to a white cloud. Perhapw one might render it thus : " A white
cloud, — nay! the blossoms on Moimt Yoshino as they flutter down/'

270 Bashb mid the Japanese Poetical Epigram.

HA)- With them the first or introductory period of the

Japanese epigram, as cultivated at Kyoto, may be said to

close. Its latest members were contemporary with the rise
o

of two other schools, — the Danrin Ha at Yedo, which

plunged into intricacy, mannerism, and exaggeration, and

Basho's school which finally led Ja[>anese poetry back into

the paths of good taste and good morals.

The origin of the Danrin School was on this wise. A
^ Samurai from the province of Higo, named Nishiyama Soin
(1605- 1 68 2), whose lord had been cashiered, wandered off
to Osaka and Kyoto, where he shaved his head as a
Buddhist priest and prayed for poetical inspiration to the
god Tcmmangii, at whose shrine each of his compositions
was successively offered up. Such pious preparation would
lead the European student to expect some grave and
serious result ; but in Japan they manage these matters
differently. The result in this case was that the poet
went in for every kind of verbal jugglery and ingenious
conceit ! Meantime, at the then recently founded and luxuri-
ous city of Yedo, a similar meretricious taste had found
a home in a little coterie of versifiers who were weary
of the simplicity of the earlier Kyoto school. Their
club, which was known by the title of Danrin (^^), or
*' The Forest of Consultation," warmly welcomed Nishi-
yama to Yedo in 1664. He became its leader, and, by
roving all over the country from Nagasaki to the extreme
North, where one of the local Daimy5s enrolled himself
among his pupils, he spread the new mode far and wide,
assisted therein by his contemporary Saikaku, the favourite
novelist of the day, who may be best described as a
Japanese Zola, as his stories are alike admirable in style
and abominable in matter. His epigrams, fortunately — at

Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 27 1

least those that I have seen quoted — do not appear to have
shared in this coarseness. Tradition credits liim with
having composed twenty thousand of them in a single
day. Here are a few examples of the verses of the
Danrin School : —

(23)

Naga-mochi ni

Haru kakure-yuku
KoromO'gae

A change of garments, and the spring
Goes into hiding in the chest

that is to say, ** When we stow away our heavier gar-
ments on the approach of summer, spring hides itself in
our trunks or closets till next year," — a conceit which
it doubtless cost the composer some trouble to excogitate.

(24)

Kumo no mine ya

Yama minn knni no
Hiroi'Vwno

A lucky find, — the i>eaks of cIoikI, —
For countries that no mountains see

that is, ** In flat countries, how glad the natives must
be to see mountainous masses of cloud 1" — another conceit
of like calibre to the first.

(25)

Moshi nakaba

t Clwcho kago no
Ku zvo uken.

Did it but sing, the butterfly
Might have to suffer in a cage

in other words, ** 'Tis fortunate for the butterfly that its
\oice is not as beautiful as its wings ; for in that

2/2 Bashb mid the Japanese Boetical Epigram.

case it would run the risk of being shut up in a cage
by those who would fain hear it sing."

(26)

Tsuki-yo yoshi

TachitSH itsu netsu

Mitsu-no-hcmta
The actual sense here conveyed is, " Beauteous is the
moonlight night at Mitsu-no-liama, whether one stand
up, or sit, or lie down." But the real point must be
sought in the sound of the words, — the three tsiis of
TachitSH itsu netstiy resumed in the word mitsu^ which it-
self signifies " three."

(27)

Sarcba aki

To mosu iware no

Nobe soro
Here again the matter signifies little; it is the manner
that amuses. The meaning, so far as there is any, is
merely that the aspect of the moor proclaims the autumn
.season. But, apart from a pun on the word nobe^ which
may mean either " to proclaim " or " a moor-side/* an
irresistibly droll effect is produced by the employment
of the stiflL .epistolary style, than which nothing can be
further from the spirit of poetry. One poetess even
composed her death-song in this mock epistolary style : —

(28)

Tsiiki mo mite

Ware wa kono yo wo
Kashiku kaiia
which may be rendered into fairly equivalent English thus :

And having seen the moon, I now
To this world have the honour to be

Baskb and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 273

that is to say» '' Having enjoyed the world, its beauties
and its glories, I now have the honour to remain your
humble servant, etc., etc., and to depart this life." It
seems a poor joke to die with.

Literary conceits are, of all things, the hardest to
transfer from one language to another. Still, even the
slight indications here given may suffice to show how
naturally and inevitably the fireworks of the Danrin
School would eclipse the productions of the earlier
epigrammatists, with their quiet prettinesses and their
innocent little puns. For a whole generation this sort
of thing hit the public taste, just as "smart" writing
has done in our own day among Anglo-Saxons. The
only question was as to who should express the most
far-fetched ideas in the most unexpected words. Some-
times it was a clever literary allusion, — a Confucian maxim,
perhaps, masquerading in modern Japanese guise ; — some-
times an astounding exaggeration ; at ocher3- something new
in the mere phrasing, — a horribly vulvar word, or else a
solemnly classical one, — ^anything in short, provided that
the effect was warranted tfii startle. As for the matter,
that was a quantite nigligeable.

Such was the state of Japanese poetry — for the epigram
was the only species of poetry that retained any life — when
a man appeared, named Basho, who was destined to infuse
into it a totally new spirit. This remarkable person was
born in the year 1644 ^^ Ueno, in the province of Iga. '

274 Bashd and the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

He came of ancient Samurai lineage, ahd from boyhood
had been the favourite companion of his Daimyo's son.
This accomplished youth, himself no mean, scholar and
poet, was at once Basho's feudal lord, his teacher, and
his friend. When death prematurely removed htm, Basho,
then a boy of sixteen, was so distraught with grief that
home and the ordinary avocations of a Samurai could ho
longer restrain him. Despite the Daimyo's injunctions,
he fled privately, carrying with him a lock of his dead
young lord's hah* to the great Buddhist monastery of
Koya-san, and leaving behind him a very pretty verse of
adieu to the comrades of his youth : —

(29)

Kumo to hedatsu

Toino ka ya kari no

Iki'ivakare
The words are not susceptible of exact translation into Eng-
lish ; but their drift is that the writer is now severed for
life from his former friends, as the soaring wild-geese are
from each other by thd clouds, of heaven. In the au'.umn
of the same year he abandoned the world, in order to
throw himself into the arms of poverty and mysticism.
Many contradictory versions are given of the exact reasons
for his retirement. One, for which there is no shadow
of proof, but which has been made the theme of a popular
drama, implicates his moral character, telling of an intrigue
with his lord s wife. But the simplest explanation is to
be found in that pessimistic and ascetic tinge, which,
though dead in the Japan of the twentieth century, had
been impressed on the .national mind during the mediaeval
period of civil i war and misery, and which, long before
Bashd's time, had driven warriors and nobles innumerable

Bashb and ttie Japanese poetical Epigraih. 275

to lay aside worldly dignities.' After the final pacification
of the country about the year 1600, under the sway of
the Tokugawa Shoguns, the sarrie causes no longier
operated. But in their place, for all members of the
Samurai caste or military gentry, there came a grinding,
omnipresent routine, a ceaseless round of minute ceremonial
observances, which made life a burden to any but the most
prosaic spirits. Little wonder that heads of families be-
came inkyo, as it was called* — that is, retired from active
life, as early as possible, as the only escape from official

tyranny, the only means of following their own tastes,-^
while others, more impatient still, threw over the traces
even in youth by sheltering themselves under the shadow
'of the Buddhist profession, whose power in the land was
still a mighty one. Many became Buddhist priests in
form only, renouncing their hereditary names and titles,
shaving their heads, and donning priestly robes, but devot-
ing themselves to pleasure, nowise to religion. Such were
the esthetes who, as playmates of Shoguns and other
exalted personages, developed the tea ceremonies, planned
most of the beautiful gardens at Kyoto, and helped to
advance all the fine arts. Others were genuine converts ;
many seem to have stood lialf-way between mystic fervour
and artistic or literary culture. Basho's position was
peculiar. Genuinely converted, a mystic of the Zen sect ,
to; the tip of his fingers, his aim was yet strictly/ .practical ;
he wished to turn men's Ityes and thought3 in; 'a. better
and liigher direction, antl he employed Qne':braiKhpf
art, namely poetry, as the vehicle for the: etbiQSfl influ-
ence to whose exercise: he had devoted 'hi? ^if^. rr Tl^e
vefy word "poetry" (at least //^/-^^/>. whi^Jf^'we 'Hprust
here perforce translate by " poetry*'/ -rathier th^i):. by

2/6 Bashd attd t/u Japanese Poetical Epigram,

/ " epigram ") came in his mouth to stand for morality.
Did any of his followers transgress the code of poverty,
simplicity, humility, long-suffering, he would rebuke the
offender with a " This is not poetry " (literally, " not
epigram "), meaning " this k not right." But more often
he contented himself with preaching by example.

But to return to his biography. Having freed himself
in early youth from all official duties, and having deter-
mined to lead a life devoted to virtue and to intellectual
achievement, he went to Osaka and Kyoto, and wandered
with special delight amid the mountain fastnesses of
Yoshino, which had been the favourite retreat of his
^ favourite poet, Saigyo H5shi. There he bathed in the
/ brooks and rested in the shady valleys, and meditated on
the impermanence of human fate. This life and the
composition of poetry helped to calm his spirit. A
verse from those days preserves the memory of his early
struggles : —

(30)

Tsuyu tokurtoku

Kokoroffd fd uki-yo
Sosogaba ya

A^liere the dews drop, there would I lain
Essay to wash this frivolous world

that is, " I would wash away from me all taint of the
world by a plunge into pure nature." — ^The deep gulf
separating utterances like this from the futilities of pre-
vious epigrammatists need scarcely be pointed out.
Bashd s position as poet and as moralist is here taken
up, never to be relinquished. Soon afterwards we find
him at Yedo, where he studied all the literature then
accessible under the best masters, — masters whose names

Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 277

have remained famous to this very day, — Chinese philo-
sophy and belles-lettres under Ito Tan-an, Japanese clas-
sical poetry and prose under Kitamura Kigin, modern
poetry under Yamaguchi Sodo, Buddhism under Butchd
Qsho. He constantly carried about with him one or other
of the chief works of the standard authors, and several
of these he knew by heart ; so that when he came to
employ epigram as his vehicle of .expression, he did so
with a mind full of ideas differing widely from the idle
conceits which had formed the stock-in-trade of his pre-
decessors in that art. But though so great a reader, his
favourite book of aU was nature, which he studied in
extensive wanderings almost all over Japan. From the
year 1672 onwards, his residence — so far as he can be
said to have had any permanent residence — was at Yedo
in a little villa, or rather cottage, in the garden of a
friend, a well-to-do citizen, where grew some banana-
trees (Jap. basho), which suggested the literary pseudonym
by which he is known to fame; for here be it paren-
thetically remarked that almost all Japanese artists and
poets take some such pseudonym, often several. The
whole literary world of the new metropolis seems to
have at once kindly welcomed him. Soon he became
the acknowledged leader of tliose who wrote verse ; and
the almost yearly publication of some new work led even
such as had hitherto practised other styles to renounce
them, and to proclaim themselves his pupils. Every
rank of society contributed its quota. The majority per-
haps were priests^ — at least priests in name; but we find
also doctors, tradesmen. Samurai, even Daimyos, and not
grown men only, but boy students, and ladies too of
various degrees enrolled in this truly democratic literary

2/8 Basho and the Japamse Poetical Epigram,

circle, which so strangely maintained its private liberty in
the midst of the rigidly fettered social organism* that
enveloped it on every side.

About the year 1682, Bashd seems to have experienced
a second conversion ; at any rate his study of the doctrines
of the Zen sect of Buddhism then became more earnest,
owing to continued intercourse with the Buddhist teacher
above mentioned, aided by conversations with the latter*s
personal attendant, who, though an illiterate man,
had attained to spiritual enlightenment. The learned
abbot endeavoured at first to wean him from the conl-
position of epigrams, on the ground of their frivolity.
The story goes that, as the two were strolling one day
in a country lane, the abbot said, " You, who turn every-
thing into idle verse, what useful thing could you find
to say about this mallow by the roadside?" Basho at
once responded with the stanza

(31) '■

Michi-fiO'be no

Mokuge wa mna ni
Knware-keri

The mallow-flower by the road
Was eaten by a [passing] horse

and the abbot owned himself vanquished in the dispute ;
for the moral lesson conveyed in those few words was
too obvious : — " Had not the mallow pressed forward
into public view, the horse would never have devouri^
it I^am, then, ambitious man, to be humble and retiring.
The vulgar yearning for fame and distinction can lead
nowhither but to misery, for it contradicts the essential
principle of ethics."

Baskd and tJic Japanese Poetical Epigram. 279

The fojiowing epigram, which every Japanese *has by
heart, also probably dates from this period:

(32)

FurU'ike ya

Kawasii tobi-konm
Mizu no oto

The old pond, aye ! and the sound of a frog leaping into the watcr«

From a European point of view, the mention of the frc^
spoils these lines completely; for we tacitly include
frogs in the same category as monkeys and donkeys, —
absurd creatures scarcely to be named without turning
verse into caricature. The Japanese think differently: —
the frog, in their language, has even a poetical name —
kenvazu — ^besides its ordinary name, kairu^ and his very
croak appeals to them as a sort of song. The picture
here outlined of some mouldering temple enclosure with
its ancient piece of water, stagnant, silent but for the
occasional splash of a frc^, suggests to them the medi-
tative and pathetic side of life. To them it appears natural
thjat the " attainment of enlightenment," as the Buddhists
call it, or conversion, as we say in Christian parlance,
should express itself in some such guise.
^ The foreign student may at first feel somewhat sceptical
concerning the moral signification attributed to many of
Bashd's epigrams. The justice of such a method of inter-
pretation is bf course difficult to prove convincingly.
Nevertheless, the testimony of tradition must be allowed
some weight, and I have been brought to believe that a
thorough study of the influence of the mysticism of the
2fen sect in Japan would bear out native tradition in its
attribution of ** inner meanings," not to Basho's writings
merely, but to the writings and even the actions of many

28o Basho attd the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

other men of that and previous periods. In any case,
whether this current method of interpretation be true
or false, it has been so widely received that no study
of the Japanese epigram would be complete without some
reference to it.

According to the accepted account, Bashd's change of
views, his conviction of the transitoriness of all things
earthly, and his consequent determination to have no
longer any fixed home, were accelerated by the impres-
sion left on his mind by the burning of his house in the
fire of January, 1683, which destroyed the greater
part of Yedo. It is said that he had to throw himself
into the pond in his little garden to avoid being burnt,
alive, a literal illustration of the text familiar to him as
a good Buddhist, which teaches that ** [man's life] is like
unto a house on fire," that is, equally sure of swift de-
struction. Though his pupils clubbed together to rebuild
his modest abode, though they even undertook to feed
him, he is to be found from that time forward almost
constantly on the road. The Tokaido, the Nakasendd,
the provinces around Ky5to including his own native
province of Iga, and above all the shores of beautiful
Lake Biwa, of which some of his favourite pupils were
natives and which have thus become classic ground in
the annals of Japanese poetry, — all these districts were
visited and re-visited, and commemorated 'in a series of
diaries interspersed with stanzas, such as the ** No-zarashi
Kiko^' the " Sarashina Kiko** the " Oi 710 S/idbun^'* and
various others, not to mention the *^ Saru-mno SJni" and
other anthologies, besides didactic works on the composi-
tion of epigram. His most distant journey was one to
the North, when, beginning with Nikko and the moor of

Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 28 1

Nasu, he continued on to Matsushima, thence up the
river Kitakami, afterwards across country to the opposite
or Western const, and back through tlie provinces of
Uzen, Echigo, etc., into Mino. We know the exact day
when he and his companion started, — the i6th May,
1689, — we know the weather they encountered, the people
they met, the thoughts they thought, — for all this is
chronicled in a diary entitled *' Oku no Hoso-inichi" which
may perhaps be freely rendered as ** Our Trail North-
ward." The whole thing may sound not so very unlike
the tour of a modem globe-trotter. Mr. Aston, in his
charming "History of Japanese Literature," has accord-
ingly spoken of Basho as "a great traveller." But I
venture to think that this term, with its prosaic connota-
tion, may mislead. He always spoke of himself as a
pilgrim {angya). If he wandered up and down the
country, it was in order to commune with mountains, ;
and rivers, and forests, and waterfalls, in order to ponder
on scenes of antiquity, and in order to realize in himself
the Buddhistic ideal and to communicate it to his fol-
lowers in all parts of the empire, as much by the con-
tact of his personality as by the example of his verse. '
If he visited every place famous in song and legend and
history,— battle-fields as well as graves and temples and
places famed for beauty, he did so seeking not so much
information, as does the intelligent but cold-blooded
" traveller " of our own day and race, as edification. In
other words, his aim was " enlightenment " in the Bud-
dhistic sense, — ^a thing superficially akin to, yet fundament-
ally differing from, what we term ** information," because
the end in view is not scientific, intellectual, but ethical.
Sometimes he might take a lift on a horse, or even in

282 Basho tiitd tJie Japanese Poctiial Epigram.

a palanquin; but the plan generally followed by him and the
two or three pupils whom he permitted to share his
wanderings, was to go on foot, dressed in the poor garb
of a pilgrim, and carrying no luggage save a wallet
which contained his writing-box and a few books.
Sometimes they would sleep at a wayside inn, sometimes
at a peasant's hut, sometimes in the open air. Not in-
frequently, .owing to Bash5*s wide-spread reputation, the
hospitality of some great house was pressed on him ; nor
was it refused, though he knew on an occasion how to
rebuke the ostentation even of a host. For instance^
when spending a few days at the rich city of Kaiiazawa
on the northern pilgrimage just mentioned, a grand feast
was organised in his honour by the local leaders of
literary society. When it was over, he thanked them for
their kind intentions on his behalf, but added bluntly
that such feasting on rare and expensive viands wjis no-
wise to his taste, nor at all compatible with the poetic
life, that his own custom was to take his siesta on a
moor or to sit under a tree to avoid a shower, that if
•he required food he would ask for it, and in fine that
only on condition of perfect sobriety and simplicity, would
he consent to keep up intercourse with his present hosts.
The rebuke, tempered doubtless by the courtly, old-
fashioned manners for which he was noted, was taken in
good part. At the next meeting, nothing was provided
but tea, and there was all the more leisure for fruitful
discourse on poetry, and for the composition of verses
by all present, and for their correction, according to estab-
lished Japanese custom, by the master himself. At
length he suggested that the 'company might be feeling
hungry, and would be grateful for a little cold rice.

Bashd an I the Japanese Poetical Kpigrani. 283

hereupon no servant, but the master of the house him-

:lf, brought in the family rice-tub, and helped each guest

a bowl or two of rice, with pickles as tlie sole

crondiment. The whole company gathered round in a

crircle to share the frugal fepast, and Basho's thanks were

xvarnily expressed for the readiness shown in complying

xvith his recommendation of plain living and high thinking.

The severe simplicity observed in his cottage at

Yedo is described by a writer who visited him there in

the year 1684. The same writer afifords us a quaint

peep at the life led in those days by two of his pupils,

who afterwards rose to great celebrity, — Kikaku and

Rai^setsu. These youths, with one other, inhabited a

room of eight mats, bare of all conveniences save one pan

and one kettle, and having for sole ornament an image

of the infant Buddha stuck in a hole in the wall. The

three owned but a single quilt between them, from which,

as it was rather short, their toes; stuck out at nighty and

• • •

~ Avhen they felt col^i, they got up and composed verses.

Yet they came of parents well-born' and not specially

poor, and they had been trained in the best schools.

Some of the houses inhabited by the members of this

semi-religious, semi-Bohemian circle had rules written up

/Prescribing the conduct which all guests were expected

to observe. One excellent code, which was followed in

a. rich house near Kydto where Bashd was always a

iv^^i^lcome guest, forbade, among other things, ** arguing

axii.<i loud snoring."

INever to yield to anger was one of Basho's fixed
P*^i nciples. Another was universal charity, not towards men
^r-^. My, but towards animals. His vivid realisation of the Bud-
^•-"*- istic dpctrine of the essential identity of all sentient ex-

284 Basfio and the Japanese Poetical Epigroin.

istence, whether brute or human, seems to liave become
an ingrained feeling, to which many of his best-known
stanzas bear witness, for instance : —

(33)

Nana ni asobu

Abu na km so
Tomo-suzume

Sparrow, my friend, ♦ oh ! do not eat
The bcesf that hover o*er the flowers!

(34)

Hai-ide yo

Kai-ya 7to sldta no
Hiki no koe

' Tis a toad's croak. Come ! hop away
From underneath the fancier's house. %

He would not allow of unkindness to animals so much
as in thought. An anecdote will serve to illustrate this
point. As he and his pupil Kikaku were riding along
a country lane one day, the latter, espying a red dragon-
fly, cried out in verse

(35)

Aka-tomho

Hane wo tottara
To'garas/d

* One might also translate tonio-suzutfte by " companion sparrows/' i.e.,
sparrows flying in flocks. In the present connection, however, this is less
likely to have been the poet's meaning.

t Abu generally means the " horsefly." But another smaller insect if
also so called, — ai)parently a species of bee, which hums and is fond oa
hovering over flowers.

X liird-fancicrs calch toads, in order to fatten them up and use their
skins to make pouches of, or they sell the flesh of the creatures themselves
as medicine. The kindly poet wishes this toad to escape such a fate.

BasJid and tlie Japattese Poetical Epigram, 285

ie., "Pluck off the wings of a red dragon-fly, and you
liave a Cayenne pepper-pod." But Bash5 reproved him
for so cruel a fiincy, and corrected the verse thus : —

To-garashi

Hatie wo tsuketara

Aka-tombo
i.e., " Add wings to a Cayenne pepper-pod, and you have
a red dragon-fly. "

His ardent love of all sentient beings and even of
inanimate nature, especially of flowers, showed itself fur-
ther in a minute observation of natural objects and their "^^
ways, and this became a characteristic of the whole later
epigrammatic school, moulded as it was by his influence.
Doubtless an element of weakness as well as of strength was
contained herein ; for the perpetual observation of small
natural details encouraged a mode of thought prone to dwell
on the surface of the visible world, while neglecting the
depths and heights of human nature. This has always^ o
been a weak point in the intellectual armour of the Far-
Eastern nations : — they have never fully realised that
" the proper study of mankind is man," and accordingly
their art and philosophy alike have remained on a com-
paratively lower plane.

The purity of Basho's life — ^a thing far from common
in the Japan of those days — was patent to the world.
But he was no prude. On one occasion, at a country
inn irt" the" North, he found himself in the room next to
that where slept, or rather chattered, two unhappy girls,
— courtesans. They were bound on a pilgrimage to Ise,
in atonement for their ill-spent lives, and the man-servant
^who had accompanied them so far was to return from
that post-station, leaving them to pursue tiieir long

286 Bashb ami the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

journey alone. Next morning, noticing the priestly garb*
of their neighbour and of his companion, they begged
to be allowed to journey part of the way in .the
company of the holy men, or, if that were asking too
much, at least in sight of them. This Basho excused
himself from ; but he spoke kindly, assuring the girls of
the divine care for wayfarers, even such as they. The
epigram which he then composed has remained famous i—^

Hitotsu-ya ni

Ytijo mo Jietari
Hagi to tsuki
The literal interpretation of these words is ** Courtesans
[and I] slept in the same house, — the lespedeza and
the moon.*' The meaning is that " Occasion will make
the greatest strangers companions.-^a^ the moon in
heaven and the lespedeza blossom on earth,_ as priests
vowed to a life of sanctity and girls fated to a life of
shame. The happier should not altogether condemn or
disown the less fortunate, no, not even the guilty, who
may often be more sinned against than sinning. "
O Another of Basho's marked characteristics was a con-

// tempt for shams and for triviality of every kind. True,
he could not altogether free himself from the literary
conventions of his time and nation ; yet he did so to a
considerable degree. It was noticed that, of his many
thousands of epigrams, not one dealt with Mount Fuji,
or with the cherry-blossoms of Yoshino, or with the pine-
clad islets of Matsushima, — subjects which custom had, in
a manner, imposed on all Japanese writers of verse.
Moreover, Yoshino had. been one of his favourite haunts',
and Fuji of course a familiar friend on tramps innumer-
able. He even made a long journey (which was mor^

Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 287

^han the majority of rhymesters did) to see Matsushima
"xvith his own eyes; but when he had seen it, he confes-
sed that all that could be said on the subject had been
ssaid already, and therefore would not write, having no-
t:hing new to tell.

To the so-called rules of composition he paid little .

lieed, — so little in fact that his followers, themselves

anxious for rules to guide their own practice, had to

allow that tlieir teacher stood outside the rules. He

appears to have instinctively felt the absurdity of all the

grave legislation which there had been for such little

cockle-shells of verse; but actual revolt was as foreign

t:o the Zen spirit in artistic matters as in social or

apolitical. Basho's theoiy and practice were resumed in

the four words ^ ^ 8fe ^f f^^'^f^i ryu-ko, which may be

freely rendered as ** unchanging truth hi fleeting form,'*\

that is, the matter must be such as has permanent in-

'.terest, the manner must be that of the writer's age, — as .

good a definition as could perhaps be given of a classic. .

Truth, he said, has ever been considered ** the marrow

CDf style," and he defined truth of style as consisting in

repose and in sifnplicity. Again, ** In composing, com-

fDOse not overmuch : — ^you will lose genuineness. Ixt

3/our epigrams spring from the heart rather than from

'* And to a correspondent he wrote, " Your zeal for

pigram is good news. But epigrams from the heart are

more important than erudition. Many men there are who

<::an turn a phrase; there are few who observe the heart's

"X^ules." Or take such utterances as the following: —

* * Style should be natural, with a graceful turn. Ingenuity

nd the search after what is strange are less to be re-

ommended Follow nature, and constantly turn to

288 Bashb and the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

nature Let your epigrams resemble a willow-branch

struck by a light shower, and sometimes waving in the
breeze." Furthermore, he never wearied of impressing
on his pupils that they should lead the poetic life, for that
then the words of their poems would flow spontaneously ;
and it was observed that he rarely, if ever, discoursed on
art alone, but constantly brought in the ethical element,
for which above all he really cared, poetry being to him
a means rather than an end. Accordingly, as already
noticed, he paid little heed to traditional rules. Even
prosody counted for little in his practice. Though no
author had Japanese prosody — such as it is — in more
perfect command, none offers so many examples of rhythm
broken by redundant syllables, doubtless because his in-
stinct told him that the poetic form current in his day
and nation was unreasonably short, and because he there?
fore preferred breaking through the form to sacrificing the
sense. The following may serve as one instance among
many : —

(37)
Kare-eda ni

Karasu no tomari-keri

Aki no hire

The end of autumn, and some rooks
Are perched upon a withered branch

The second line has nine syllables instead of the regular
seven; but it would be impossible to convey more for-
cibly in one brief phrase the idea of autumnal desolation,
and that was all that Bashd cared for. This was an
** epigram " in the literal sense of the word, having
been inscribed on a sketch of three crows huddling on
a leafless branch. Other examples of lines with super-

Bashd and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 289

nous syllables will be found in the little anthology at
le end of this paper. The Japanese have never been
icklei's for prosodial accuracy ; but Bash5 allowed hirn-
;lf an unusual latitude.

Basho's healthj always delicate, seems to have been
orn out by his constant wanderings, which exposed him
' many hardships. He died at the age of fifty, while on
e road as usual, busy spreading his ideas, ethical and
)etical. He had been entertained at Osaka at the house

the poetess Sono-Jo, where some mushrooms poisoned
m. A minute account has been preserved of his last
lys. He lingered for a fortnight, his chief pupils gat her-
g round him and nursing him with filial care. When it
came evident that no hope remained, they requested him

compose a death-bed stanza, according to the universal
istom of Japanese poets. But he refused, being unwilling

sanction by his example a practice which he thought
d to vanity and deceit, for that insincere persons were
ant to get their so-called death-bed poems ready long
iforehandj wherewith to cheat the world at their last
)ur. Nevertheless, next morning, he called two of the
atchers to his bedside, and said, ** Last night, while I lay
^pless, the following stanza came into my mind : —

(38)

Tabi ni yamite

Yiwu zva kare-no wo
Kakc-mazvani

Ta'en iU while journeying, I dreamt
I wandered o'er a withered moor.

" Neither is this a death-bed stanza, nor is it not one.
blame myself for being still attached to my lifelong

4 .1

290 Baslw and the Japanese Poetical Epigram*

pursuit of poetry at this moment, when face to face with
the great change from life to death."

His state grew more and more critical. On the 27th
November, his favourite disciple Kikaku arrived. The
interview affected both to tears. Nevertheless, on the
next day, liasho was still able to be moved to laughter
by some trivial occurrence which suggested comic verses
to one of the party; so they took to composing turn
and turn about, in order to amuse him. On the
28th, out of his great love of cleanliness, he insisted on
taking a bath, after which he sat up in bed with his
chief pupils facing him, and the others ranged in a row
on either side, when one of them took down his last will
and testament in writing. He himself penned a letter to
his old home, sent verbal messages to various pupils,
charged those present to forgive one whom, for a grave
offence, they had ostracised from their company, then
folding his hands in prayer, recited the Buddhist sutra of
the Goddess of Mercy (** Kwannon Ky^ "), and sank back
dead as if asleep. He was buried in the temple grave-
yard of Gichuji, by the shores of Lake Biwa, on — ^as it is
specially recorded — a beautiful day in the Indian summer,
the 30th November, 1694, over three hundred mourners
attending. The catalogue of the possessions which he left
behind is recorded too, — one image of Shaka Muni, one
copper bowl, one cape, one wooden ink-box, and so on,
ending with a few books and scrolls.

Such, sketched in barest outline, was the career of this
amiable and accomplished man, whom some students of
his life and works might perhaps feel inclined to term
the Japanese Wordsworth. Of course it would not do to
press the comparison closely. Basho was not born under

Baslio attd the Japanese Iheiical Epigram. 291

^he same lucky star as Wordsworth. He inherited a
language incomparably inferior as a vehicle for poetry, ^
^md was restricted to a single form of verse, and that
tile poorest. From this cause, if from no other, his
poetical performance may no more be ranked with Words-
^vorth's than Skiddaw may be ranked with Fuji. Never-
theless, he succeeded in regenerating the poetic taste
of his day. His knowledge of nature and his sympathy
-with nature were at least as intimate as Wordsworth's,
sind his sympathy with all sorts and conditions of men
-was fer more intimate; for he never isolated himself
from his kind, but lived cheerfully in the world, though
not of the world. Accordingly, his contemporaries re-
ceived from him a moral no less than a literary influ-
ence; he embodied for them the Zen form of Buddhism.
TTiis subject — ^the Zen doctrine and its influence in China
5ind Japan — is one that has never yet been treated as
it deserves, and it is impossible here to treat it paren-
thetically. At least so much will perhaps have been
gathered from the foregoing, — that the Zen philosophy,
or religion, or whatever it may best be termed, is a
system in which the pessimism of original Buddhism is
^softened by wise concessions to common sense and to
"the needs and limitations of common life, in which ascet-
icism of the body is exchanged for a sort of mental
"detachment not inconsistent with the calls of social in-
tiercourse, in which, while the essential vanity of all
earthly pursuits is still recognised, some of those which
Appeal most strongly to the cultivated human mind,
^namely the various branches of art, are welcomed to an
Inonoured place in the plan of life, because they may be
vailed of as a means for passing to yet higher spheres

V-'

292 Basho atid t/tc Japamse Poetical Epigram.

of thought and conduct. The word Zen is a contraction of
the Sanskrit word dliydtia^ " contemplation. *' * The early
votaries of the sect used to pass their time in con templar
tion or abstraction. Of some it is related that they sat
for years gazing at a wall, scarcely even thinking any
more, but in a state betwixt rapture and unconsciousness.
E^xperience, however; showed that mankind was not serv-
ed by such unnatural excesses, and that the cultivation
of harmless pursuits was a preferable mental anodyne.
Of course they were never meant to be more than an
Jv-^ anodyne. They were to be what the Japanese Buddhists

term a /idbefi, a word not susceptible of literal translation
V" .^... into English, and which has most erroneously been 'J
translated as '*,pious fraud." The hoben is rather a way,
a means, an instrument. The parables of the New Testa-
ment, for instance, are Iwben, — stories not literally true,
but useful though fictitious, because pointing the way to
truth. \\\\ its modern form, the Zen creed had become
essentially tolerant and cheery.^ Under* its influence such
virtues as moderation, contentment, simplicity, kindliness
naturally flourished, together with that sobriety and good
taste which we have all learnt to admire in the exquisite
art of *' Old Japan. " Its danger was a tendency to de-
generate into hedonism. We have already seen that
some of its earlier professors studied simplicity less as a
virtue than as the easiest road to pleasure, and especial-
ly to individual freedom in society as then constituted.

There is a point often incidentally touched on in the
preceding pages, which may seem particularly strange to
anyone unacquainted with the manner in which the arts
are cultivated in Japan, namely, the great number of dis-
ciples who gathered around Basho, followed him about.

« 1 1 «

BasJio tiJid the Japmuse Poetical Epigram, 293

" Trended hkn. Basho, in fact, is commonly said to have
Xiad three thousand disciples. Another account says one
thousand, of whom two hundred principal ones. The
names of about one hundred are still familiar to educated
persons. Yet he had laboured for little over ten years.
Similar phenomena meet us in the careers of other poets
before and since, and of professors of various arts. The
explanation of this circumstance is rooted in one of the
fundamental doctrines of Chinese philosophy, as taught
by Confucius and developed more particularly by Mencius,
- — the doctrine of the essential goodness of human nature.
The prominence given to this doctrine leads to an extra-
vagantly high opinion of the value of education; for a
mind essentially good will of course require but right
• training" to attain to something very like perfection.
■ Hence also, by analogy, the power attributed to educa-
. tion of working, not moral marvels only, but intellectual.
Our Western saying that Poeta nascitury iion fit springs
from an entirely different mental soil. Here it is held
that every one can become a painter, every one can be-
come a poet, just as every one can learn to read and
write and to behave himself. To a certain extent this
I is true. What renders it doubly true in the Far-East (
is the absence of real genius, — as we Westerns understand
genius, — so that the interval between different degrees of
. xnerit is less than with us. In this manner, racial disposition,
-strengthened by a congenial doctrine and its attendant
fDractice, accounts for the enormous number of persons in
<3hina and Japan who can paint, poetise, and so on, after
^^. quite respectable fashion. Mediocrity does not dis-
ilease here^ which, is fortunate, seeing that the highest
xcellence is ; wanting. At the same time, it must be

294 Basho atid the Japanese Ihetical Epigram.

granted that the immense spread of the cultivation of
various arts has tended still further to debase the average
standard. Hundreds of so-called epigrams, in particular,
call to mind nothing so much as the performance of a
•poor amateur with a poor kodak.

Fortunately, the very worst performers rarely walk
quite alone, the usual plan being for the teacher to
touch up his pupils' productions before they are allowed
to circulate. For centuries past, in every branch of
art, a whole class of professional or semi-professional
persons, furnished with diplomas and ranged in a hie-
rarchy of gradually ascending excellence, has made a
livelihood by polishing the unskilful efforts of amateurs.
As such teachers of the poetic art place particular marks
against the words needing emendation or calling fof
special praise, they are termed "markers" {tensha), and
many have a bad reputation for avarice and corruption.
Basho was no friend to the " markers. *' His expression
of opinion on the amateurs of his day, given in a letter
to a friend, is characteristic. He divides epigrammatists
into three classes, namely : I. Those who spend their
lives wrangling with professional ** markers " over the
correctness of their diction. Even these, he remarks
with his usual kindliness and perhaps a little touch of
irony, do better than if they were to give themselves up
to evil courses; for their innocent folly helps in any
case to support the '* marker, " his wife, his children,
and his landlord. II. Rich men who take up epi-
gram-writing as an amusement, caring little whether the
" marker " gives them good marks or bad. These re-
semble children playing at cards. Their time is at least
better thus spent than in gossip. Their money and

Baslw and tJu Japanese Poetical Epigram. 295

patronage, likewise, not only support the " marker ** class,
but do really to some extent help forward the cause of
true estheticism. Ill, Those who study poetry genuine-
ly, devote to it all their strength, and employ it as a
means to enter on the true " way/* that is, on a
philosophical and ethical life. Of these last, he concluded,
tHere could scarcely be ten in the whole empire. Evi-
dently, Basho shared in no delusions as to the innate
goodness or cleverness of men in general. But he did
hb best towards helping as many as possible to be better
and to strive after a better esthetic taste, and he wisely
abstained from discouraging well-meant efTort, however
feeble. His philosophy was truly practical, — humanitarian
without fuss. He was the mildest, the least revolutionary
of reformers.

IV.

In the preliminary studies for this paper, notes were
taken for the biography and characterisation of each of
the leading ep^rammatists of the seventeenth and eigh-
teenth centuries. Independence and eccentricity having
always been' prominent traits of the class, many of these
eptgraitnnatists are the subjects of interesting anecdotes.
At least one of them, Omteura, was a truly remarkable
man, almost the peer of Basho himself, whose friend and
contemporary he was, though he survived to the year
1738. But the foregoing account of Bash5 has run to
such lei^rths that his successors must be dealt with sum-
marily, before passing on to some concluding remarks
of a miscellaneous nature.

296 Bashb and the Japmiese Poetical Epigram,

Bash5's two most eminent disciples — Kikaku and Rein-
setsu — have already been mentioned. These, with eight
more, named respectively Kyorai, Joso, Kyoroku, Shiko>
Yaha, Kokushi, Etsujiii, and Safnpu, are knowft collectively
as the Jit'tetsn (-f'^),— a title signifying not exactly the
" Ten Sages " nor yet exactly the ** Ten Wits, '* but
something between the two. Most of these died early in
the eighteenth century. Though hone came up to Ba-
sho's standard of moral philosophy, their fives testified in
many ways to the effect of his teaching, arid many of
their epigrams deserve to be placed on a par with his:.
In fact, these ten men — arid notably the first four on the
Hst — seem often to realise absolute perfection in this par-
ticular style, conveying through a mere pin-point of ex-
pression a whole picture to the mind. Examples of their
compositions will be found at the end of this essay.
Kikaku, though too independent and hasty to copy even
Basho, was himself copied by numberless pupils and ad-
mirers, forming the Edo-Za ox " Yedo School," which
subsists to the present day. Rinsetsu also left a school,
named after him the Setsu-Mon, Other schools, all
traceable to Basho, but tinged with local peculiarities,
arose on the shores of that beautiful Lake Biwa where
the master had spent so many happy days,*at Kyot5, in
the provinces of Mino and Owari, at Ise, and in the
North, in fact almost all over the Main Island of Japan ;
arid literary history has preserved careful genealogical
records of the succession in each, and of their occasional
complicated interminglings.

It would seem that at first, that is, during the genera-
tion that lived from about 1720 to 1750, a marked decline
in the standard of epigrammatic excellence took place.

Baslio and the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 297

-A vulgar variety was evolved, wherein one person com-
posed the first five syllables, another the last twelve.
This, which was known as Kaininuri-ziikc, formed the very
furthest point to which the disintegration of Japanese verse
"was carried. Sometimes people turned the making of
<^igrams into a kind of lottery, in which the winner
gained a dollar, or they employed it as a vehicle for
xiddles and for caricatures of proverbs.

A second bloom of the true epigram occurred in the

latter part of the eighteenth century, when names meet us

:xiot unworthy of comparison with any of those that had

^sidorned an earlier age. Yokoi Yayu, for example, was

^3l, bom versifier. He went so far as to hold that all

^^hildren's speech falls naturally into sets of five, seven,

•siand five syllables. Because he himself had '' lisp'd in

umbers," he assumed that others did the like. In later

ife, he became still better known as a writer of what

s called Haibun, that is, epigrammatic prose, and in

;ociety he was idolised as a universal genius, an

'admirable Crichton, " — the best bowman, horseman,

swordsman of his day. When rebuked by his feudal

superior for wasting time on the composition of epigrams,

^e proved to the latter, by pouring them out extempore,

: hat he wasted no time on them, for the simple reason

hat they cost him neither thought nor trouble; and

e was known throughout his clan as the most loyal

f retainers, the most faithful of friends, and — unusual

ombination — ^the most economical of householders.

The greatest epigrammatist of the silver age (circa

770-80). was Buson, the bold painter whose lifelike

elineations of tigers and other striking objects adorn

ome of the Kyoto temples. It may be said of him, as

298 B0fsia^ ami tkejapamst Piutkml E^gfenm.

of Baslwi's. two greatest pupHs,. that he caYpfed th& awt o^
art up ta perfection point His technique is undur-
passed: — he literally psmks with wocdB^ and 1mm fisiw
wovds! See^ for example, Nos. 175,. 179, it stf^-^-eaeh
v^rside a peirfect little cameo, sometimes of heaa^^ aoifte^
"^ times of humour. The tradition was camied oft by. Isaa
/ (1763 — 1'8^7),. a former of Sbinshxu noted for eccentncity
^ and childlike simplicity,, and for kindltiies» which: went so-
far that he refused even ta kiU a flea. One of his
verses expresses, or rather indicates^ the spirit -of the
Zen' teaching more perfecdy perhaps than any by other
authors :—

(39)

Tsuyu tw ye* w*

Tstiyu n0' ye nagara
Sari nagara

Granted' this dfewdvop world is but

A dewdrop world^i — this granted, yelk

that is, ** Granted that all pbenomeiia are transitory and
valueless, like the dew that forthwith (&iesr up and'
vanishes, still, wheiv alli isi saiA and done, we camnt quite
aflbrd to throw life and' its joys away. There is some
element of penmatnence in ft yet, thoug'h it wene hand to<
define this element precisdjjr. *' — The wordb ini the orig-
inal are as pretty as the thoujjht itself is gracefoB aad:
true.
r Some' of the foremost epigrammaitbts: were wconen :
— The names of Mitsunjx!) (E7tb century), her popii
Sono-J)o (died 1726),. Chigetsu-ni (died 1706),. Shushiki
(died 1725), and above all KagaHio-Cldyo C^i-1775X
are known to all students of Japaaese poetry. Ohe of
CWyo's most celebraited epigrams has ah-eaidy bcem given, —

Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigrofn. 299

ithat descrSbing the coovolyuli which twined about the well.
But her preeoiinocit superiority, alike in diction, in smnble-
wfttedaess^ and in depth of thought and feeling, claims
attention, even where so many famous names have to be
passed over in silence. In no other Japanese verse, per-
haps, is liie souod a more perfect echo to the sense than
in the following from her pen. The occasion erf" it is
thus relaled. A celebrated professor of the art, Rogen-
-bo, who happened to pass through the remote northern
town where she lived as a girl, and who was applied to
by her for instruction, gave her the cuckoo as a theme,
T>ut was rude eaough to pay no heed to her efforts and
to fall asleep till dawn. She sat there patiently all night,
^nd when the master at length opened his eyes, greeted
lim with the following : —

(40)

Hotatogisu

Hototogisn tote
Ake ni keri

"whidi 0iade him clap his hands and aver that she needed
:aio teacher, being already passed mistress of the art.
Ulendered into English, the dines merely mean ** Day has
^dawned to [the sound of] * cuckoo! ' 'cuckoo! '" But the
apanese scholar will TeaKse the mastery necessary to
ut together those six seemingly simple words.
This poetess's married life was summarised in three
pigrams. The first

(41)

Shibukaro * ka

Shiranedo kaki no
HeUsU'chigiri

* Short 0 for long 0 on account of tlic metre.

300 B as/to and the Japanese Poetical Epigram,

which was presented by her to her husband on their
wedding-day, defies translation into English owing
to its terseness. The meaning, however, is clear. The
poetess compares her marriage vows to a persimmon.
No one can tell whether a persimmon be astringent
or not until he bites into it, nor can happiness in
wedlock be assured till trial of it has been made.
Chiyo had no illusions ; but she bore her griefs with
ortitude. Her elegy for her husband, who died early, was

(42)

Okite mitsu

Nete mitsu kaya no
Hirosa kana

Whether I lay me down or wake,
How large seems the mo«>quito-net !

that is, "The very sight of my widowed couch, when I
retire to rest and when I wake again in the morning, re-
minds me of my loss and of my solitude. " But she
was to be still further bereft. Perhaps the reader, with
his mind now better attuned to the Japanese style, will
grasp the sad purport of the last epigram of the three: —

(43)

Tombo-tori *

Kyo wa dokora ye
Itta yara

Where may he have gone off to-day, —
Tlie hunter after dragon-flies?

Her little boy, too, had died, the bright lad who used
to run after dragon-flies in the sunshine. To what un-

♦Another reading gives Tomho-isun. If we accept it, the second line
of the English must nm thus, *< The fisherman for dragon-flies." Japanese
children do, as a matter of fact, often catch these insects with toy lines
and hooks.

Bashd and tlie Japanese PbetUal Epigranu ■ 301

known land has he wandered off?— Surely this tiny
composition were almost worthy a place in the Greek
Anthology, so true is it to nature, so perfectly simple,
and yet saying, or at least indicating all that can be
said so fully that any word added would be superfluous.
But to finish this thumb-nail sketch of Chiyo's mind, the
humorous side, which in her, as in so many others, jostled
the pathetic, claims a moment's notice. When left alone
in the world as a woman of a certain age, she made a
living by teaching of the poetic artj and it is related that
her figure became unwieldy. One day, as she was quitting
the mansion of a noble personage who had entertained
her at dinner, the servant-girls, astonished to find that
the pretty name of Chiyo belonged to a fat, plain, mid-
dle-aged woman, began tittering in the passage behind
her. Instantly the poetess wheeled round, and admonish-
ed her pert critics in the following impromptu verse \- —

(44) , ; , ■;

HiiO'kakae

Aredo yanagi iva
Yanagi kana

A willow may an annful be,
But 'tis a willow all the same«

That is, " I may be fat, but I am a lady, and expect to
be treated as one, '* — the willow-tree, with its slender
gracefiJness, being of course symbolical of womanhood.

With the generation which passed away about 1780,
the art of composing epigrams was gradually lost. The

302 Batkd 4md Mie iap0tuse Aetkad Epigram

acIioqIs nvliiofa eodeaiffoured ito preserve die dbd mamier
ilwnme foiwilisod, >yjiiie fOvt-oMoors tise f<Man of tdie
efngmni feH into vui^par .hands >v4iiGh busied tbes^aelvics
JHidiliiQg tvvihat a«e Gained, ^om die iia«ie of^dietr tnwenter,
^iS^nqri {liifid d 790),— ^voraee •which Jiave this on common wkh
Ahe ^fjeram, libat ishepr coasint tof aevoniscui sytUables, but
Mfjstch .»fe vulgar^ often e«9eo ^008, tn tnatter* and equally
Jtomr in •didiarL No laeed te ^eftt bese dther of idaem or
(Of A «cvhcGd[-*4dfte 60-f:aUed SfegVi^^t-Hyhich is in /progress
an our iMim 4ay:. Tihis last ^|ibase (cannot well be judged
ittU unore «f jte ooturse «hatl hay» been f tm. Neireotfaeless,
iflom tiie ispsctmons io be Ibmid .in almost e\«ry
mewspaper, dae <vttic tiviU 'jKwJtole to attribute to \t
•tntich importanoe. It seems rather that all 4:hat cam be
raaid twathin the narrow limits set hy tsuch liiUqnitian
neratc^, or «entt-veraicles« has been said long ago, and
that we aineady atand at jl suficiont idtatance of ttime
from the best and most representative epigrammatists to
be able to view their productions as a whole.
( Notice,in passings the •curious xjrder in which the phases
\ of the Japanese epigram succeeded -each other: — first, a
] frivolous stage ; then the appearance of a reformer who
j put thought and feeling into the empty shell ; then a stage
V^f, so to say, art for art's sake; lastly, fossilisation.
European precedents would have led us to expect a
certain sturdy and simple genuineness at the beginning,
extravagance at the end. But the epigram is not the
only Japanese art which shows the exactly reversed
sequence. The tea ceremonies offer another marked in-
stance; for there, too, luxury and bad taste ran riot at
the begimiing, followed by Sen-no-£ik^u*s reform in the
dinection tof «iwpfa'fi!ty^ and eadtng in itdne fosstUsattion of

tkat aimfrficky. This> p^euiiaarity oS the JapiBui«9e eslhetie
devclopcnciit mtnt be left lo others to explaML Meve
afipropriate to the subject of tilie poesent essajr m- it ta_^
enqaire : — ^what i» the valtfe of tlie ^^apanese epigram^ as
litevatoce? Doubtless a foreig^ev unaided might well distvust
Ms afeUity' to- answer this questioiu Bat the native com.-
inentators — sucb men a» Aefea^Itesop, one of the kadkig
Iktirmieurs efthe pment dagri* sMd SUki,.aiid Kdyo Sanjin— *
hd)^ us ovei thi» difficukj. Not only liawe they cempiled
uaefial* anthokgies^ and written ho6k% exphining the aietual
text of cof^ideiaUe numbeit^ of famous* epigrams ; sonie of
their editions indicate the classic sources, botl> Japanese
and Chinese, from which Basfao drew, and thus enable
us to appreciate his erudition. One on Buson's epigrams
gives the opinions of a whole circle of his modem admirers
on most points, while others supply as with biographies,
anecdotes^ etc^r ^U helping: not enlj lO' elucidate an enigmat-
ical style, but to fii i» the pictufe of a vanished aigyr..

Bui while the native commentaftors- are indispensable helps
taa cDmprehenBion of the subject^ it may be doubted whether
ai^ European! stflMlent could bring himself to adopt thcic
estiflMteSi. Medeni' Js^«esc critics do not intend that
theie national literature shalL 3ridd the palm to that of
any otbei land. Accordingly, they have set themselves
to discover Japanese Shakespeares, Japanese ScottSy
Japanese Victor Hugos,, etc.,. etc., etc.* In fact, they

^ Theit Ifine* bad sonrcsly been penned^ when a newspaper appeavedf
aDDOBDcing^ amoag othes kitenstixig items, the death of *^the Japa.
nese Rousseau," Mi; Nakae Tokusuke. As this gentleman was a violent
atheist and matenalist (his latest work bore the title " Neither God
nor Soul"), the nature of his intellectual kinship to the author o^
'< Ijt, VicaiM'Safeyaid " soems somewlMt problemoticaL Eximo-disee omnus.

304I Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigrdm,

are busy turning all their geese into swans, with the
help of the technicalities of European art criticism, — the
"subjective, "the "objective," and all the rest of the
jargon. They inform us that Basho's verse was a mirror
reflecting the universe within a frame of seventeen
syllables. They discover a criticism of life — the whole
2j^xi philosophy in fact— itl that single stanza of his on
the old pond and the frog jumping into the water, which
has been quoted on page 279 ; and in the next specimen (by
one of the ''Ten Wits") they admire "that absolute transpa-
rency and truth to nature which are of the essence of
the epigram : " —

':'■''■ ' >s).. :

Susus^isa ya

En yari ashi wo
Bura-sageru

Oh ! how cool, dangling one's legs over the verandah,!

Similarly do they judge in countless other cases.

At the same time^ and though nothing would be easier
than to make fun of the extravagantly laudatory critics,
and even of the epigrammiatists themselves, to do so
would surely prove little but that the foreign investigator's
own critical sense was deficient, but in another direction.
For is he not called on to treat his subject sympathetical-
ly, or, as Pope puts it, to

\ < u fead each work of wit

. - With the same spirit that its author writ ? " .

And is this not more than ever necessary in the case of any
Oriental literary product, because the conditions under
which if came into existence differ toto ccelo from those
of our own literature ?
The leg^dangling epigram must of course, be given up.

Bdsha 0^ tlu Japanese PoeticUt Epigratit^ ^05

and with it scores and hundreds of "the baser sort/* —

trivialities traceable to the unhappy assumption that

every one is capable of writing vjrse'.: But when ihe

European critic has made alt reasonable deductions; wlron

lie has eliminated the prosings and the quibbles and the

vulgarities of those poetasters whom Japanese tolerance

admits to a niche in the national temple of fame, iks; is

yet left with a remnant wherein many tiny prettinesses

sparkle. If he cannot here discover intact that mitror

Tcflecttng the universe of which the Japanese ri comment

tators speak, he does find thousands of fragments 'of

shattered glass, among which some of shattered crystal,

each reflecting at a different angle some n;\inute comer of

a scene, a brief note of some fact in ' nature, or maybe

an indication of some sentiment or fancy. . The Japanese

Epigram at its best is a loop-hole opei^ed foe Jm instant

on some little natural £ict, some incident of daily lifef. \

It is a momentary flash, a smile half-fbmied, a sigh sup*-

pressed almost before it becomes audible/ Take; for

instance, Basho's lines composed on one of Jstpan''^ most

.fiimotis battle-fields, now a desolate moot(:«--^

(46)

Natsurgusa ya

Tsuwa-ntonfhdofno nb'^
Yunte no ato '

Haply the summer grasses are ,

A relic of the warriors* drean^' .'?r^r';. '^

TTiat u|| "Of the warriors' dream of poVirer and gloiy,
nought femains but the high grasses wavitig^ o'er the

~ ' • • •

vnoor ^hat is their tomb. " Or this oth6r; already quoted
ait the beginning of the present^ paper, and which is
typical of the art at its highest point of perfection 1—

hU.

.Mi

::;/;

30$ Basko and the Japanese Poetical ^igram,

A single river, stretching far

Across the moorland swathed in snow.

Such shorthand verses, if so they may be called, sp^iig
from idle same mental soil as that on which stftild
many Japanese artists, who have — not painted, or
evea sketched, — but hjptgd ^t, a flight of birds, a ika-
coast, a pine-tree, with but two or .three strokes of the
brush. The result is not great, perhaps ; but we woddejr
at the production, with such scanty means, of any rcMlt
at all ; and we cannot refrain from wishing that the itlto
who performed these feats in little .had tried his
skill on a lai^er canvas. Practically, the classical or
semi^classical poets of Japan, for over a thousatid yieto
past, have confined themselves to pieces of 31 syllabi^
or of 17, whereas even our sonnet, which we look on
as a trifle, has 140, and our system of stanzas strtUig
together enables us to cos^inue indefinitely till the whole
of a complex train of thought has been brought, before
the mind. But it may well be that, even had Euro^
been available as a model, no such sustained styb
would have had much chance of permanently establishiiiit
itself in Japan. When an artist — when whole generations
of artists have produced one sort of thing, it must
always remain extremely doubtful whether, after all, they
could have produced another. The tendency to ultra-
,/ brevity is too persistent a characteristic of Japanese
esthetics to be accidental in any given case. Remember
that there was no want of longer models. Such nKxids
were at liand in Chinese poetry ; there were a few^ a^
we have seen, even in the ancient poetry of Japan itself*
But somehow these mpdelis. failed to attract.

Granting, therefore, as a sober judgment forces us to

Basho ami tlu Japanese Poetical Epigram, 307

do, that' Japanese poems arc but slight cfibrts,— ^not

pearls, but only tiny beads, — a critical esthnate of Basho,

and of the Japanese epig^mmatists generally, reduces

itself to two points:—* I. What is each individual tiny bead

Tv<Mth? and II. Are there enough of these beads, and are

they varied enough, to make up a valuable sum total?

The foregoing essay will, it is hoped, have put the reader

sn the way of forming his own opinion on both these

ssues. Possibly he may deem that the nearest &iglish

•suialogues of the molecules of description, fiincy, or morality

Jeft us by the best Japanese epigrammatists are such

TTennysonian half-stanzas as

'^A single church below the hill
Is pealing, folded in the mist. "

*<The last red leaf is whirl'd away,
The rooks are blown about the skies.**

*'Bbt'in my spirit will I dwell.

And dream my dream, and hold it true.''

^7he difference between the two cases — and doubtless it
2s a vital- difference^ — lies in this, that the Japanese pro-
duction b isolated, fragmentary, whereas the European
gjruis part of a grand organic whole. On the one side»
• * In Memoriam " and whole " Palaces of Art ; ** on the
other, a litter of single bricks, half-bricks in fact The
Snvest^pttor of Japanese literature, for all that his task is
^(d arduous, has not the satisfiiction to be rewarded by
fcbc "uhearthtng of any sublime or epoch-making monu-
Kuents. He must take sundry small finds, and be thankful.
-S^e is in the position of a botanist whose . specialty
^bould be mosses or Kchcns, and who therefore coukl
rmot h<^'t6:didight either himself or the public with any

50§ Bdsho and t/ie Japanese Poetical Epigram,

grand, ■;] discoveries . in the way of new flowers ,or
fruits- ;' 'fitiU; a careful monograph on- a new ,moss
would/i possess a certain interest and value. The
intecest :t)fr:such an enquiry as that here undertaken
\\x& lin thj^ fact that, of all the divisions of Japanjese
poetry^ the : 'epigram is the most thoroughly popular,
national/ therefore characteristip. By the investigator
of ^Ijie': Japanese mind k cari be studied almost as
the subject-matter, of a natural science can be studied;
arid, it- yields as ,its result a picture of the national
character. , We, see this character at work while it
is, so to say, at play : — we see it ingenious, witty,
good-natured, much addicted to punning and to tom-
foolery; we see it fanciful but not imaginative, clever
but not profound ; we see it joking on the gravest sub-
jects ; we see it taking life easily and trifles seriously ; we
see its minute observation of detail, its endless patience
in accumulating materials, together with its incapacity for
building with them; we see its knack for hinting rather
tban describing^,, — ^a knack which, when it becomes self-
conscious, degenerates inta i trick and is often carried past
the limit of obscurity, not to say absurdity, as when a
tso-called drawing is so sketchy that the beholder
cannot, with the best will in the world, tell whether
wJiat he is invited to look at be a rock or a bit of pine-
bark. ^ We see likewise the essentially democratic ^spirit
of the nation, no less in the pell-mell choice orno choice
•of subjects, than in the manner in which all classes joined
in the fun. We see that comparative weakness of the
feeling for colour which characterises Japanese art reap-
'piearing here as a want of feeling for rhyme and rhyttim
'^nd sfanzaic arrangement, for all, in fact, that goes to

Bas/u) and the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 309

make up the colour of verse. I^astly, — ^and some may
deem this the most curious feature of all, — we find a
way of looking at nature which recalls the method of our
own modern water-colour artists, and which thus constitutes
a point of likeness and sympathy between ourselves and a
vanished Japanese world of long ago. What, for instance,
could be more absolutely modern than this vignette of
Basho's ?—

.r - (47)

Tonibo ya

Tori'tsuki'kaneshi
Ktisa no ue

A stem of grass, whereon in vain

A dragon-fly essayed to light ! - ■

Anyone -strolling along a country lane at ^ttie proper
season* may verify for himself this minute lait in natural
history, as some gieiss-stalks are too slender to afford
foothold even to a dragon-fly. May not the Japanese

- • • • •

epigram itself remfnd us of these frail objects? It

iappears,"now as a tiny Tierb or flower oh our fiath, now

, ■ , ' .... • ' '

as some brilliant insect which hovers f6r a moment, and,
ere we have well noticed it, flits aw^y out of sight and
memory.

ADDITIONAL SELECT EPIGRAMS.

In order to put the reader in touch with native taste,
the choice of all the epigrams quoted in the present essay
has been guided by native standards, such beia^ preferred as
have, gained the admiration of the Japanese themselves.
The translation aims, not only at being literal, but at pre*
serving the spirit of each original, — poetical where it is
poetical, prosaic (e.g. No. 6i) where it is prosaic The
different poets are placed, as far as possible, in chronologi-
cal order. The numerous specimens of Basho's work are
likewise so anrat^ed.

EARLY EPIGRAMMATISTS.

(48)

Yo ni furu wa

Sara ni shigure no
Yadcri kana

^ ,. (Sogi, 1421-1502)

Ah ! yes, my passage through the world
Is a mere shelter from a shower.

*31ie poet*s death song. He oompares brief hanian life to a momentary
Furu contain! a pun on « passing through" (the world) and
5iig."

(49)

Tsuki ni e wo

Saskitaraba yoki
Ucfmva kana

(Sokan)
Add but a handle to the moon,
And what a pretty fiin it makes !

(50)

Cfm no mizu no

Ware to futa sunt
Kori kana

(Sokan, 1465-15 54)
Behold the water for ,the tea
Make for itself a Iki of ice !

3 1 2 Basho and the Japanese Epigram,

(51)
Rakkwa eda ni

Kaeru to mireba ,

Kocfid kana

(Arakida -Moritake, 1472-1549)

Fairn flow'r returning to the branch, —

Behold ! it is a butterfly.

I.e. For a moment I fancied it to be a fallen petal flying back, by
some miracle, to its native branch^ But lo! it was a butterfly.

(52) : • ;

• Samidare ni

Hi no ante majiru
Hotam kana

(Arakida Moritake)
, Oh ! fireflies, what a fiery rain
i i -Commingling with the summer shower !

(53)

Asagao ni

Kyo wa iniyuran
. ^\ Waga yo J^ana

lj(^ ' > (Arakida Moritake)

\j^ f^ Ah ! yes, as a convolvulus

* ' To-day my lifetime will appear.

The poet's death song. Life is fleeting as the convotvultis, " which
blooms in the morning (asa) only to wither at eve. What the translation
renders by " my lifetime " is literally " my world. "

(54)

Kaze keznrii

Vanagt ya kishi no
Hitai'gami

(Arakida Moritake)
The willows which the breezes comb, -
, ^ N Are they the forelock of the bank ?•■- ' •

Early Epigrammatists. 313

The poet likens the catkins of the willow to a lady's tresses, and the
wind to a comb. The " bank " is the bank of the river on which the
willow-trees are growirj^. Tlie modern critic Acba Knson considers
this artificial verse highly characteristic of its composer.

(55)

Chi-nomi-ko ni

Yo wo watashitaru
ShizuasH katia

(Shohaku, 1444-1527)
Oh ! the December in which the heritage is handed on V
to a suckling !

This is a lament on the death of a man poor and in difficulties, who
has left an infant heir. The end of the year is the season when debts
and bills must be paid, and when ix)verty consequently presses hardest.

(56)

Nakdzarcba

Koroshite shimae
Hototogisn

Nobunaga.
The cuckoo, — kill it, if it sing not.

(57)

Nakazarcba

Nakashite misho
Hototogisn

Hideyoshi.
The cuckoo, — I will show it how to sing, if it sing not.

(58)

Nakazarcba

Naku made mato
Hototogisn

leyasu.
The cuckoo, — I will wait till it sings, if it sing not.

(

.r ^

3 14 Bas/to and thi Jafanese Epigram,

TheM thne epigrams^ which have passed into household words^ are not
specially well- written, neither are they the con^xisition of the three
celehiated rulers whose names they hear. They are sometimes attributed to
Shdha, an epigrammatist who died in the year 1600, and who meant to paint,
each with a single graphic touch, the characters of the three heroes of his
day, — Nobunaga, impetuous and cruel; Hideyoshi, clever; leyasu, patient,
because well*knowing that, as we say, ** All Comes to him who waits. "
The empire came to him, and remained in the hands of his descendants
for over two and a half centuries.

(59)

Ham tatsiiya

Ni'hon viedctaki
Kado no vtatsii

When spring comes, the two pine-trees [stand] by the

Yi ^^ > ' gate for luck.

"^ . /^ (Saito Tokugen, circa A.D. 1640.)

y .- Or — for ni-kon contains a pun (ll;tt and Q ;Jt) — " When spring comes»

the pine-trees by the gate bring luck to Japan, " — an allusion to the
customary New Year decorations.

(60)

Manzcd ya

Mau mo utau mo
Vokti no koto

,' (Baisei, 1611-1699)

v> ' ^ * Even the morris-dancers* steps

^ ^ And songs spring from cupidity.

The desire for money rules all things, even what superficially looks
like innocent mirth.

(61)

Masa-masa to

Imasu ga gotos/ti
Tatna-matsuri

(Kitamura Kigin, 1624-1711)

Serving the spirits of the dead

V ^ ' ^ Exactly as if they were living.

\y'

Early Epigrammatists. 315

Tlieie words arc transcribed almost literally frum a maxim in the <' Con-
^^cian Analects. "

(62)

Noku ni sae

Warawaffa ikani
HototQgisu

(Mitsu-Jo, 1572-1647) X

[So lovely] even in its cry, — /^ i ^ ^

What were the cuckoo if it laughed ?

Japanese, like English, employs the same word {nakn^ *' to cry ") for
weeping and for the sounds uttered by birds and some other animals. Cry-
ing disfigures the countenance. If, then, the cuckoo enchants us even when
it cries, what would not he the beauty of its smile or its laughter? A
good example this of the conceits in which the epigrammatists before
Basho's reform took such delight.

(63)

Cfw karoshi

Koro wa kiru mono
Hitotsu kana

(Koshun, 1650-1697)
Light goes the butterfly, what time
A single robe is all we don.

(64)

Yo 710 akete

Hana ni hiraku ya
Jbdo-mon I •

(Seibu, 1 606- 1 678)
The daylight dawns, and, like a flower^ ^ , ^

Open the gates of Paradise.

IVe poef s death song. JbiUi literally, " the Pure Land« '' is one of the
Baddhist heavens, fabled to exist in the West.

-X

3 1 6 Basho and the Japanese Epigram,

(65)

Tsuki hana no

San-kti-me wo Una
Shiru yo kana

(Rippo, 1600-1669)
The moon, the flow'rs, ah ! no\v*s the time
To learn the third name of the set.

The poet's death son^. He alludes to the.^^thetic txva^Uuki haua
yuki^ " the moon, the blossoms, and the snow, " which are esteemed the
, , loveliest things in nature. Yuki^ " snow, " however, is homonymous with
\ \ yukiy "going," here taken in the sense of "dying": — it is not the snow,
^" * but death, which now comes to complete his exjierienccs.

(66)
Orafida no

Moji ga yokotau
Ania tsii kari

(Nishiyama S5in, 1605- 1682)
The wild-geese in the firmament, —
These are Dutch letters sideways stretching.

The flight of the wild-geese athwart the sky suggests to the epigram-
matist that outlandish method of communication practised by Europeans,
who write across the page instead of up and down it, as the Chinese and
Japanese consider natural. lu those days any scrap of European WTiting
would be the greatest rarity at the Japanese capital, and the mention of
it in verse a daring novelty.

Yo no naka ya

Choc/io tomare
Kaku mo are

(Nishiyama Soin)

Impossible to translate, owing to the punning insertion of two words
which have no direct relation to the sense of the rest of the verse. The
gist is : " ITie world is just what it is. It is an uncertain quantity •
Don't take it -that is, don't take life — too seriously." Written across tliis

.v^

-v-v I

Early Epigrammatists, 317

mcipal assertion, as it were, are the words Chdchd totnare^ " Butterfly,
ght ! " Besides adding the ornament of a pun, this graceful unage
Ips to reinforce the assertion of the flimsy, flighty character of human life.

(68)

Sldra-tsuyu ya

Mu'fumbetsii nam
' Oki'dokoro,

(Nishiyama Soin)

Lacking in all discernment as

To where they light are the white dews.

This is considered one of the best compositions of the leader of the
Danrin school. His admiration of nature is conveyed in the form of
portive blame : — instead of seeking out Ixiautiful places, the dew shows so
itllc discretion as to fall everywhere alike.

(69)

Natsu-yase to

Kotaete sliinobii
Namida karia

(Nishiyama Soin ?)

Alas ! the tears which she restrains,

Saying the heat has made her thin.

Hiding grief under a pretence of illness. This epigram has passed
nto a proverb,

(70)

Kaya-bara-ni

Oshi ya sutc-oku
Tsuyu no tama

(Sute-Jo, 1635-1698)

Pity the dewy pearl be thrown

Away upon the grassy moor !

The poetess Sute-Jo was bom at Kayabara (the name means
'* grassy moor") in Tamba, where the Daimyo of the province visited
ber and composed this complimentary epigram, which includes puns
)n her name and the name of her birthplace. Over thirty of Sute-Jo's
friends — all nuns — ^used to follow her about in her wanderings.

, *

)

318 Baskd and the Japanese Epigram,

(71)

Yuki no asa

Ni nv ji ni }io ji fio
Geta no ato

x^ (Sute-Jo)

Q^^\h A snowy morning,— everywhere

^ ^^ The figure " 2 " left by the clogs.

^ This epigram — a perfect specimen in its way — was composed by the

poetess at the early age of six. Every resident in Japan has seen snow or
mud or sand thus marked with the Chinese numeral ZL ** two, ** by the two
underpieces of wood that support the clogs which are the commonest foot-
gear among the townsfolk of this country.

(72)

Kado-^natsu ya

Meido no tabi no
IcJu-ri-zuka

(Raizan, 1654-1716)

Literally, " The pine-trees by the gate [which are set up as New Year
decorations] are mile -stones on the journey to the nether world. " — Some
one added the following second hemistich :

Aiedetaku tiio ari

Medetakti tno ttashi
i.e. " they are both lucky and unlucky, " — a lueky omen on account of their
connection with the New Vear rejoicings, an unlucky one because of their
marking a stage on the way to death. The lines are popularly thus
quoted as a thirty-one syllal^le verse, and are erroneously ascribed to the
priest Ikkyu Osho.

(73)

Ike mirunm

Koro to ya tewo no
Atama-ehmo

The season when the pond grows warm,

To judge from all the fishes' heads.

A panting summer's day, with the fishes' heads at the suriioe <tf tke
water, gasping for foieath.

BAHSO AND HIS .SCHOOL.

(74)
Toshi kurenu

Kasa kite waraji
Haki-nagara

(Basho, 1 644- 1 694)

The year has closed while still I wear

My sandals and my pilgrim's hat.

Written on one of his many pilgrimages.

(75)

Yama-ji kite

Nani yori ynkashi
Sufftire-gusa

(Basho)

Coming this mountain way, no herb

Is lovelier than the violet.

The Japanese violet, which possesses no fragrance, is << the meanest
flower that blows. " Basho evinces his love of lowly natural objects by j | f i ' '

singling it oat for mention. According to one commentator, however, the \ f\v ^ '

lines are metaphorical : — Bash5 having, to his joy, met a Buddhist ancho-
rite in the depths of the forest, compares him to the violet which shuns
the sunlight.

(76)

Yoku mireba

Nasuna haiia sakii
Kakine kana

(Basho)

On looking carefully, behold

The caseweed flowering near the fence !

Another example of his ^>preciation of humble natural objects;

320

Basfio mid tlu Japanese Epigram,

\ ;

ill)

Iza • saraba

Yuki-mi ni korohu
Tokoro made

(Basho)

Well then, we'll off to see the snow,
Far as we can without a tumble.

(78)
Hebi kuu to

Kikeba osaroshi
Kiji no koe

(Basho)

V \ When told that it will snakes devour,
How frightful is the pheasant's voice !

' This epigram lias l^ecome proverbial for l>eauty marred by miscondi

(79)
Oki-yo oki-yo

Waga tomo ni sen

Nurn kocho

1/ (l^h5)

Awake ! awake ! I'll make of thee

My comrade, sleeping butterfly.

(80)
Yagate shinii

Keshiki 2va miezu
Semi no koe

(Basha)
Nothing in the cicada's voice
Gives token of a speedy death.

This w.is Basho's parting word to one who visited him in his hut 1^-
Lake Biwa. The implied meaning seems to Ixj that human life is sho*"
and uncertain, despite present joy in scenes of l)eauty.

BashiK 5^1

(8i)

Tako-tsubo ya

Hakanaki yumc wo
Natsu no tsuki

(Basha)

As literally as a play upon words will permit (ttalsuy " summer, '' from
liich n/ixM, *' to do," is mentally supplied), this may be rendered, " Octopus
»t, aye ! and a brief dream while the summer moon [is shining]. " The . I i *

topus pot is an earthenwiire vessel with a \u^ opening, which is sunk . v^^ .

the sea. Hie octopus, deeming it a quiet retreat, crawls inside it, and
thus easily drawn up and caught. The creature's dream of happiness is |

ort. How dreamy, too, is its whole scarcely conscious existence ! Equal-
brief were the dream of one who should fidl asleep on a moonlit
{ht in summer, when the nights are at their shortest. There is an im-
ed comparison with the evanescence of human life : — maivhimself is
e a moonbeam, like a fleeTing dream, like a creature only half-,
nscious.

(82) . i

Omoshirote

Yagatc kanashiki f, C-

U'bune kana

(Basho)

Oh ! cormorant fishing-boat so gay,

And then again so melancholy !

I1ie cormorants start off gaily ; but their mirth is changed to melancholy
len the fish they have caught are forced from them by the fishermen
lo hold them in leash. This was composed in 1 688, on passing through
fo, which b still the locality where the curious method of fishing with
e aid of tame cormorants may best be witnessed. See <' Things Japa- f
se," s. v. ** Cormorant Fishing. "

(83)
Uki ware wo

Sabishigarase yo
Kanko'dori

(Basha)
Cuckoo ! for melancholy me
Oh ! make still deeper loneliness.

320

Baslw attd Hu Japanese Jif

(77)
iMa-saraba

Tckoro

.le Rasho was
/ourite disciples,
jncholya and of lei.**'
^en his l)est-loved fric:

\ ■>■

Well then, we'll ^ J'^'

Far as wc ca«' ^^^^^ ''' yokotau

(liasho)

^, and the Milky Way

{ 1^"^.^ across to Sado's isle.

f on the coast opfiosite Sado one starry night, whe «'
O'^^finxt^ ^^^ ^^^ the loneliness of his pilgrimage oppr^

(«5)

Hiya-hiya to

Kabc wo fumactc
Hiru-nc kana

Oh ! those siestas, with my feet
Tressed fearsomely against the wall !

(Risho)

'I^his verse and the next illustrate the poverty and simplicity of Rasli
mode of life So fragile is the mud wall of his hut that he fears to hn
throu}{h it when ])ressing against it with his feet.

(86)

Ik'ka viina

Tsue ni shiraga no
Ifaka-main

The household at the graves assembled,
White-haired, and leaning on their staves.

(Risho\

Kahslib. 323

^avci uf ancestors at stated intervals is an act of pitty pre-

ial custom. \Vc here sec a whole family of aged

lo honour to thase whom they themselves will soon

Id. The picture is more solemn than any other

(87)

Knnio ori-ori

Hito ivo yasumem
TsHki'tni kafia

(Basho)

"1 ! the moon-gazing where some douds
' *"om time to time repose the eye !

^Ki beauty is best appreciated when occasionally veiled.

(88)

Meigetsu ni

Hatui ka to mute
Wata-batake

(Basho)

n the br^ht moonlight what appeared
e flowers is a cotton field.

he Ibok for a grove of lovely cherry-blossom is Init a common
it «^ ^'^ X^iUutatioD after all. Unpo^icalas the fact is, he states it because

(89)

Yasu-yasu to

Idete isayon
Tsuki 710 ku9no

(Basho)
I clouds about the nKx>h, from Whence
fidtem fortk-scMicbonnair!-- • ^

322 Bashb and the Japanese Epigram,

Composed on a rainy day in early summer, while Basho was staying
at Saga near Kyoto, in the house of one of his favourite disciples. What
y he mjeaps to express is his_ love of a ^ei^tU melancholy^ and of lejsure for
communing with nature not intruded on by even his Jjest^loved^ friends,

(84)

Ara-umi ya

Sado ni yokotan
Ama-no-gawa

(Basli5)

A rough sea, and the Milky Way
Stretching across to Sado's isle.

Comix)sed on the coast opposite Sado one starry night, when the
waves were running high and the loneliness of his pilgrimage oppressed
his spirit.

(8s)
Hiya-hiya to

Kabe wo fmnaete
Iftnhne karta

Oh ! those siestas, with my feet
Pressed fearsomely against the wall !

(IVisho)

This verse and the next illustrate the poverty and simplicity of Basho*s
mode of life So fragile is the mud wall of his hut that he fears to break
through it when pressing against it with his feet.

(86)

Ik'ka viina

Tsue ni shiraga no
Haka-mairi

(Basho)
The household at the graves assembled,
White-haired, and leaning on their staves.

Kahslio. 323

1 u visit the gravei of ancestors at stated intervals is an act of pitty pre-
iljed by immemorial custom. We here sec a whole family of aged
rsons assembled to do honour to those whom they themselves will soon
low to the other world. The picture is more solenm than any other
it Hosbo has left us.

(87)

Knvw on-ori

HUo ivo yasumerti
TsHki-mi katut

(Basho)

Oh ! the moon-gazing where some <!loud.s
From time to time repose the eye !

Kven beauty is best appreciated when occasionally veiled.

(88)

Meigetsu ni

Hana ka to micU
Wata-batake

(Basho)

Jn the bright moonlight what appeared
Uke flowers is a cotton field.

liat he took for a grove of lovely cherry-blossom is but a common
^ plantation after all. Unpoetical as the fact is, he states it because
«- fact.

(89)

Yasu-yasu to

Idete isayon
Tsiiki no kumo

(Basho)
h ! clouds about the moon, from wTlence
he falters forth- so-dcbomiair'!--- x -

324 Bas/io and the Japanese Epigram.

(90)

Nagaki hi wo

Saeimri'tarann
Hibari kana

Oh ! skylark for whose carolling
The livelong day suffideth not !

(9>)
Hototogisu

Koe yokotau ya
Mizu no uc

Athwart the surface of the stream
There lieth stretched the cuckoo s voice.

(Basho)

llic first redaction of this epigram was IItto-ko€ no—K (^) ///
yokotau ya — Hototogisu, The translation is founded on both.

(92)

Hi no michi ya

Aoi katmnuku
Satsitki-a/ne

(Basho)

A rainy day in June, and yet

The sunflow'r bends to the sun's course.

(93)

Tsnku kane no

Hibihi yd nari
Semi no koe

Like to the booming, of a bell
When struck, is the cicadic's voice.

(Basho)

Bas/to.

(94)
ARsu-abura

Nakute nern yo ya
Mado no istiki

As, lacking oil, I lie abed

At night, the moon my window lights.

(95)
Kokono'tabi

Okite ma tsuki no
Nanatsu kana

Despite that I have nine tii>ies risen,
Tis but the fourth hour by the moon.

325

(Basho)

In Japanese, the « seventh'' hour, their seven o clock (old style) cor-
x>nduig appfoximateljr to our 4 A. M. (see ^ Things Japanese, " s. v.
ime ")r The poet has risen repeatedly to gaze at the beauteoas moon,

still the dawn oomes not.

(96)

Mngi-vieshi ni

Yatsururu koi ka
Neko no tsuma

(Basho)

Is it hard fare, or is it love

That makes the cat's goodwife so lean ?

The term mugi-meshi^ here translated <* hard fare, *' in order the I)etter

indicate the sense of the verse, is literally " rice mixed with

ley. " This dish is considered poor eating as compared with rice pure

I simple, and is therefore often resorted to by the lower classes for

nomy^s sake*

> ■■,

3 26 Bashd aud i/ujapam'se Efiigram.

(97)
Momiji fit wa

Taga os/ue-keru

Sake no kan

(Kikaku, 1661-1707)

Who was it taught the maple-leaves

To heat the liquor in the bottle ? '

'Ilie allusion is to an old Chinese story — acted in another fonn on the

Japanese stage — in which a fire is made of maple-ledves or twigs, to heal

\ the sake for a carousal. It is related of this poet that at poetry meetings

he was often drowsy from drink, but would wake suddenly and compose

better verses than any of his competitors.

(98)

Ume ga ka ya

Tofuiri wa Ogjiu
Soemon -

(Kikaku)

This more resembles an epigram, in the colloquial sens6 of that tenn,
tlian any other of the Japanese " epigrams" quoted in the present collection.
Kikaku, though afterwards famous as one of the ** Ten Wits," was a mere
lad when he composed it. He happened to live next door to no less a
personage than the Confucianist OgyO Sorai (Soemon), the Dr. Johnson of his
age and country. Most dwellers in a land where the proprieties, and above
all erudition, were so highly honoured, would have trembled in his pres-
ence. Kikaku merely indited the above impertinent verse, which says
that ** The perftmie of the plum-blossom (i.e. estheticism, as represented by
himself) has for its neighbour one ()gyu Soemon. " Tlie poetical diction
of the first line, and the flat prose of the rest form a witty, but untransla-
table, contrast. ...

(99)

Yari-kiirete

Mata ya sauiushiro
Toshi fio hire

(Kikaku)

Bashos School,

327

For all my contriving, here I am again at the end of
the year with [nothing but] my strip of matting.

This poet's wild Bohemian life often caused him to l)e out-at-
elbows.

(100)

Kiraretani

Yume wa makoto ka
Nomi fio ato

(Kikaku)

Is my dream true ? Am I cut down ?
Or was I bitten by a flea ?

(10.)

Nikumarde

Nagaroru hito
Fuyu no hai

A man who is disliked, and who
Lives to old age, — ^a winter fly.

I)isagreeal)le folks live longest.

(102)

Yu-suzumi

Yokti zo otoko fit
Umare-ketm

Taking the cool at eve, I do
Rejoice that I was born a man.

(Kikaku)

Because men are^— and more especially were in Old Japan — allowed
much greater freedom in th^ matter of nigUgi garments than is permitted
to the other sex.

328 Baslio and the Japanese lipigravi,

(«03)
Gwanjitsu ya

Harete siizume no
Mono-gatari

(Ransetsu, 1654-1707)
Aye ! New Year's day, with a clear sky,
And conversation among the sparrows !

Rasho declared that, as an epigram for New Year's day, this could
not be improved upon, and modern critics eDdorse his judgment. Re-
member that the Japanese New Year, till the reform of the calendar in
1873, generally fell about the middle of February, when spring is really
in view. We in England place the birds' wedding on St. Valentine's
I>ay, 14th February.

(104)

Ume ichi-rin

Ichi-rin hodo fio
Atatakasa

(Ransetsu)
[Slowly] it mildens, as the plum
[Ventureth forth,] blossom by blossom.

The plum-blossom is the earliest of all the flowers of spring, coming
out, in fact, while the snow is still on the ground. — For hotfo, some read

Zll/Sll,

(105)

Hana ni kaze

Karoku kite fnke
Sake no awa

(Ransetsu)
Come, breeze, and lightly blow upon
The flowers, — ^bubbles in the wine !

Apjxirently the poet's request to the zephyr is that it shall at the
same time gently move the blossoms so as to spread their fragranoe, and
waft to the other side of the cup the liubbles of the wine which he is
drinking.

Basftd*s School. -, 329

(106)

Hyaku-giku soroe-keru ni:

On a chrysanthemum show (literally, on a hundred
Krysanthemums assembled).

Ki'giku shira-gikn

Sono hoka no tui wa
Nakti mogana

(Ransetsu)
Yellow chrysanthemums, white chrysanthemums ; —
Would there were no more names than these !

This verse, though irregular in metre, is considered a perfect specimen
)f the epigrammatic style. Japanese gardeners, like our own, bestow some
ancifnl name on every artificial variety of flower produced by their art.
rhe poet, impatient of these, wishes that there should be no other
lames — perhaps no other flowers — than the natural white and yellow.

(107)

Kiku sakeri

Cho kite asobc
EnogU'Zara

(Ransetsu)
The asters bloom. Come butterflies,
And dally o'er the colour dish !

The exigencies of metre must be our excuse for writing << asters '' in-
tead of « chrysanthemums. ** These flowers are here likened to a painter's
Kilette.

(108)

Junrei ni

Uchi'inajiri-ytihi
Ki'gan kana

(Ransetsu)
Behold the wfld-geese wending homeward,
Mingled with the pilgrim bands !

330

Bas/to and the Japanese Epigram.

V-

A picture of two simultaneous processions, — the homeward-bound
pilgrims on solid earth, and the wild-geese in the sky above .them. The
flights of wild-geese — northward in spring, southward in autumn — are among
the most characteristic sights of the Japanese landscape. ^;

(109)

Omoshiro

Fuji ni sujikan
Ham-no kana

(Ransetsu)

Oh ! flowery moor, stretching athwart
Mount Fuji's slope so pleasantly!

The luxuriance of the wild-flowers on Fuji's lower slope— especially on
the western and southern sides — in the month of August, is astonishing.

(MO)

Sliiri'bito ni

Awaji awaji to
Hana-mi kana

(Kyorai, 1651-1704)

No friends, oh ! let me meet no friends

When I am gazing at the flowers !

(in)

Nani'goto so

Nana viiru hito no
Naga-gatana

A sabre ! what has such to do

On one who comes to view the flowers ?

(Kyorai)

Ikcause esthetics and war agree ill together.

Baslios School, 331

(112)

Kokoro naki

Daikivanjo ya
Hototogisu

(Kyorai)
The heartless Government OflRce, — ^ay ! and the cuckoo.

A hiimnmiis juxtftpnsitinn of in^on|Truiti^s.

(I '3)
Isogaski ya

Oki no shigure no
Ma-lio kata-ho

(Kyorai)
What haste ! a shower in the oflRng,

And sails set straight, and sails set slant.

A vignette ('f a fleet of junks caught in a sudden squalL The sailors
shown running hither and thither, and trimming the sails, now to set
ir craft running before the wind, and anon to put her on the port or
board tack.

(114)

Tsuki-vd sen

Fushimi no skiro no
Sute-gurtiwa

(Kyorai)

I will contemplate from Fushimi's

Abandoned castle^grounds the moon.

Fushimi near Kyoto was the site of Hideyoshi's great castle palace of
moyama, the most splendid edifice ever reared on Japanese soil. It was
en over to the flames soon after its builder's death.

(nS)
Vu-gnn ya

Hage-narabitani
Kuffio no mine

(Kyorai)
Tis evening, and in .serried file

Stand the bare pinnacles of cloud.

332 Basho ixjtd the Japanese Epigram,

(116)

Uki tomo m

Kantarete neko no
y Sora tiagafne

V:' = (Kyorai)

Bit by a sorry mate, the cat

Intently gazes at the sky.

Crossed in love, the tom-cat gazes sentimentally at the firmament.

("7)
Ikn-tari ka
\ Sliignre kake-nuku

Seta no liashi

(J5s5, 1 663-1 704)

How many may be hurrying through

The drizzle on the Bridge of Seta ?

The immensely long Bridge of Seta, near Lake Biwa, is a favourite
theme with the poets and artists of Japan. Here its length b suggested
by the mention of a countless multitude.

(118)

No nw yaiPta mo

Yuki ni torarete
Nani mo nashi

G^so)

Nothing remaineth ; for the snow
Hath blotted out both moor and hill.

0/9)
Kitsutmki no

Kare-ki sagasu ya
Hana no ttaka

What ! mid the flowers tlie woodpecker
Is seeking out a withered tree.

(Joso)

Highly unesthctic of the bird to neglect the blossoms aDd prefer a

withered trunk.

BasMs SckaaL m

(120)

Nuke-gara m

NlaraMe shinuru
Aki no setm

(Joso)

In autumn a cicada dead
Beside die shell that it cast off.

Antninn, a cicadaS cast-oflT shell, even the cicada itself dead, — a set of
aiy images typical of the nothingness of human fate.

AKna-soko no

Iwa ni ochi'tsuku
Ko no ha kana

((.

(J6so) , (,

Behold the leaf that sinks and clings
Below the water to a rock !

Thej)bsgryation of a liny fiict in nature. So is the next ; for any if

*fu\ eye will have noted tiie ami^ingly knowing look on the face of
jck when raising its head after a dive.

(122)

Alina-s&io wo

MUe kUa kao no
. Ko-ganto kana

(Joso)
The teal, with face fresh from the sight
Of what below the water lies.

(123)
Kyu no ten

Hinu ma vio samushi
Ham no kasi

(Kyoroku, died 1715)
iterally, ** Cold, too, is the interval before the moxa
dots dry, — ^spring breeze."

i I*'-

334 Bashb and tlie Japanese Epigram.

This verse is here quoted liecause it refers to a curious custom, for
which see ** Things Japanese, '* s.v. *< Moxa, "" adding to the account there
given the following particulars : — ^The usual plan is for the patients to
disrobe to the waist, before the chief practitioner — often a Buddhist priest,
as the scene, too, is often a Buddhist temple — marks in sepia on their
persons the spots that are to be treated.. They then remove to another
apartment, round which they squat in a line, while the priest's disciple
or acolyte goes from one to another applying the cautery to each in
turn, one dot at a time, so that if a patient has several spots to be burnt,
there is at least an interval between the steps of his torture. It is of
course a chilly process from beginning to end, as the patient has to sit
half-naked.

(124)

Kata-eda ni

Myaku ya kayoite
JJjne no liana

(Shiko, 1665-1731)
Plum-blossoms ! is it that the sap
Still courses through that single branch ?

The subject of this epigram was doubtless a plum-tree, all whose
branches save one were dead.

(125)

Shira-kuvio ya

Kakine wo watarti
Yuri no liana

(Shiko)
Oh ! the white clouds ! nay, rather blossoms,—
Lilies that bend across the fence.

The poet likens his ncigh1x)ur's lilies to white clouds.

(126)

Uki koi ni

Taete ya neko no
Nusumi-gui

(Shiko)

Bas/tos School. 335

Weary perhaps of dolorous love,
The cat has stol'ii a bit to eat.

(127)

Neko no koi

S/tote karanaite
Aware nari ^

(Yaha, 1663- 1740)
A cat's amours : — from the beginning
He caterwauls ; he's tp be pitied.

(128)

Clioinatsu ga

Oya no na de kuni
Gyokci kana

(Yaha)

Lo ! Johnny, in his father^s name,
Come to present congratulations !

Namely, on New Year's Day. Aeba Koson singles out this verse for praise,
pictures to us the self-importance of the little fellow, dressed in
i best and charged with so ceremonious a mission.

(129) ;

. Haki'Soji

Shite kara tsubaki
Chiri ni keri

(Yaha)

After I've swept and tidied up,
Adown fall some camellias.

He has been getting his villa ready for a poetry meeting; but when
seemed finished, some camellias suddenly tumble from thei stalks on to
t garden path, and make the place look untidy. This peculiarity of the
mellia is referred to by several poets; — , for instance in No. 169*

336 Bashb and the Japanese Epigram,

(130)

Uguisu ya

l-^

Kado wa iaina-tama

KJ^'

Tofti'Uri

(Yaha)
The nightingale and, at the gate,
The unexpected bean-curd vendor.

The advent of the petty tradesman just as the nightingale is singing
makes a humorous contrast.

(131)

Yuku kumo wo

Nete ite mini ya
Natsu'ZasJuki

(Yaha)
A summer room where, lying down,
I see the clouds as they go past.

The poet, taking his siesta on a July afternoon, watches the clouds
float lazily across the sky.

(132)

Yake fii keri

Saredoino hana wa •
C/dri-sufnashi

(Hokushi, died 17 18.)
I am burnt out. Nevertheless^
The flowVs have duly bloom'd and faded.

The first Tpe of the English rendering is absolutely literal, including
the prosaic work << nevertheless. " The words corresponding to the second
line say literally no more than that " The flowers^have fallen unconcerned-
ly ; " but the sense is as here given. The story goes that Hokushi's house
having been burnt down one day, his friends flocked to present their
condolences. But he, like a true Bohemian, only laughed, and sent^them
away with this epigram. Its gist is that so trifling a matter, which did
not interfere with the course of nature, was not worth a aecond thooght.

Bashos School. 337

(133)
Meigetsu ya

Yd akuru khva mo
Nakari'keri

(Etsujin, dates uncertain.)

A brilliant moon ! there was no marge »

Betwixt it and the dawn of day. \ '

On such nights, the brightness of moonlight passes into the brightness
of sunlight without our being able to tell where night ends and day
begins.

(134)

Avie no tsuki

Doko to mo fiashi m
Usu-akari

(Etsujin)

A rainy moon, and everywhere

Alike a &int irradiation.

The poet's theme is that universal pale light, coming none can tell
whence, which sufiuses the sky on a night which ought to be moonlit,
but is rainy.

('35)
Yafna-dera ni

Kome tsuktt oto no
Tsuki-yo kana

(Etsujin)

Oh ! moonlight, wth the sound of rice

A-pounding in the mountain temple !

Moonlight nights axe often availed of by thrifty householders for
pounding rice. |

(136)

•Eri-maki ni

Kubi hiki'iretc
Fuyu no tsuki

(Sugiyama Sampu, 1 648-1 733)

33^ Basho and tht Japanese .Epigram.

Moonlight in winter, and I draw
My neck within my comforter.

The substitution of this homely detail for the conventional raptures
on the moon pro<luces a liumprous effect.

' (U7) \ •/.

Ko ya matan '

Amari hibari no
Taka-agari

(Sugiyama Sampu)
Oh ! how its young ones must be waiting, —
For all too high ascends the lark I -

(«38)
^ Shigure-keri

i Hasfuri'iri'keri

\ * . - •

V Hare ni keri

'^\ (Izembo, died 1710.)

A shower canie, and so I came
Running indoors ; then blue sky came.

Bom rich, this poet despised wealth, and si)enl his time strolling
about in tattered peasant's garb, reciting verses. His diction was eccentric
too, si^ecially affecting the repetition of some single word.

(139)

Omofasa no

Yuki haracdonio
Haraedovio

(Izembo)
Oh ! what a heavy weight of snow,
Sweep as you may, sweep as you may !

These words are not to be taken literally.' The ix)et sent them to
his daughter as an epigram on worldly vanities.

• ' ' Baskos ScUooL . 339^

(140)

Kami-sort ya

Ichi-ya ni sabitc
Satsuki-ame

(Hancho, dates uncertain.)

My razor, in a single night, . .

Is rusted by tlie rains of June.

(141)

Yo Jio luika wa

Sckirei no o no
Hima mo nashi

(Hancho)

The movement of the world of men

Is ceaseless as the wagtairs tail.

The bad. assopance of « wagtaiPs tail " docs not disfigure the original
l*anesc.

(142) . .

Iza sakiira

Ouwi'tatsu hi wa
Kut9iorti to mo

(Ryoto, 1660-1717)

Off to the cherry-flowVs ! the day

Was fix*d ;-'«nd what, though it be cloudy ?

(143)
Waga nari nw

Aware ni miynrii
Kare-no kana

(Chigetsu-ni, 1634-1706)

Alas ! the withered moor, whereon

My figure., too, looks pitiful.

^ST^is poetess had become a nun after hcc husband's^ death : — hence the
r^g^rison between the desolate autumn moor and her own poor garb.
^ she and her son Osshu were pupils of Basho. THey belonged to the
- 3iwa school pfoperl^ so-called, being bom at Otsu on its shores.

<."

340 Basliio and the Japanese Epigram.

(144)

Mugi'Wara no
V le shite yaran

Ania-gaeru
\^ (Chigetsu-ni)

ril take some barley straw and make
A house for you, little green frog !

"Green frog" is in Japanese literally, "nun frog," so that the bond
between the poetess and her fratigi was one of name as well as of
kindliness.

Cms)

Kore de koso

Inochi oslukere
Sakura-bana

(Chigetsu-nl)
The cherry-flowVs ! for them alone
Is It that life is dear to me.

(146)

Um yama no

Tori ftaki-tatsum
Ftibiiki kana

(Ch^etsu-ni)
Oh ! snowstorm, at whose blast the birds
Begin to cry o'er sea and hill !

(147)

Neti itU

Fuyti kara tsubomu
Tsubaki kana

(Kyokusui, died 1720.)
How carefully begin to bud
In winter the camellia-trees I

The buds of the camellia are smgnlarly long ut fotmiag.

Bashos School. 341

(148)

Yudachi ya

Clue sama-zania no
Kaburi'iPiono

(Otsuyu, died 1739.)
A show'r, and skill of every sort
In things to put upon the head.

A vignette of people caught in the rain :— one bethinks him perhaps
bis fan, another shelters his head with his long pendent sleeve, etc.,
This_ verse, familiar to all Japanese, excellently iUostrates the light
gi^hic_ touMCh proper" loThe epigram.

(H9)
Hate tua mina

Ogi no hone ya
Aki no kaze

All come at last to be a fan's

Old sticks when blows the autumn breeze.

(Otsuyu)

We all grow old, as a fan does, which is in constant request during
summer heat, but gets torn and is reduced to little but its sticks by
time the autumn breeze begins to blow. The Japanese talk, not of the

icks, " but of the <* bones '* of a fan, which makes the comparison of a

1 old man to a dilapidated fan still more natural.

(ISO)
Nani tori no

Kono ato naku zo
Hototogisii

(Otsuyu)
He was the cuckoo. Say what other
Bird may sing now he is gone.

Such is the sense, though, literally translated, the words are only,
'Vhat bird will sing indeed after this? — cuckoo!" This was an elegy

I '■'"V '

r /

342

Basho find tite Japanese Epigram.

on the poet Ryoto, head of the Ise school. It was considered so
beautiful that the headship of the school was forthwith bestowed upon
its composer.

050
Mikasuki ni

Fuka no ataina wo

Kakushi'keri

(Shido, dates uncertain.)

There, by the crescent moon, the shark

Has hid his head [beneath the wave].

LATER EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

052)

. Haka-bara ya

Aki no hotam no
Futatsu initsu

(Edo-za School)

A cemetery

And autumn fireflies two or three.

This was a true ** cpipam, " being an inscription on the picture of a
skeleton. Fireflies chiefly haunt dark and lonely places : — hence their men-
tion in the present context.

(•S3)
Asa-shivw ya

Tsue de e-gakishi

Fuji 710 yama

{. ' . (Edo-za School)

The morning hoar-frost, and Mount Fuji

Drawn on it with my walking-stick.

(«54)
Hana ga iu

Shibai mite hmi

Hito nikttshi

(Josen, died 17 15.)

The blossoms say, " We hate the folks

' Who come here from the theatre. "

344 Baslio and the Japanese Epigram.

A rmitra-stjyiwcpn nnt^^nnd^tly Philistinism of artificial amusements.
Remember 'that in Old Japan so strong a taint of vulgarity attaciiea^o
the drama that no Samurai ever entered a playhouse, — at any rate openly.

(155)

Miski yume no

Samete mo iro no
Kakitsubata

(Shushiki, 1683-1728)

yV The dream I dreamt has faded, but

(^ ' ^ ( The iris keeps its colours yet.

(1/' That is, though I die, the world remains. — ^The poetess's death song.

(«56)

Aril hodo no

Date shi-tsukushite
Kami'ko kana

(Sono-Jo, 1 665- 1 726)

Who carried foppery to extremes

\ Alas ! now wears a paper coat.

The miserable end of empty-headedness and extravagance.

(157)

Ota ko ni

Kami naburaruni
Atsusa kana

(Sono-Jo)

Such heat that, when the child I bear

/ Upon my back plays with my hair,

A picture of intense summer heat,/ which the slightest touch of another
makes unendurable.

(158)

Nui-mono ya

Ki mo sede yogosu
Satsuki-ame

(Anonymous)

.-^^

Later Eighteenth Century. 345

Embroideries not e'en yet worn
Are tarnished by the rains of June.

(•59)
MonO'Sugo ya

Ara oinoshiro no

Kaeri'bana

(Onitsura, 1 661-1738)
Uncanny and yet pleasing arc
These flow'rs that blossom out of time.

This poet has a great repatation, tome going so far as to assert that
he unites the excellencies of all the schools. Bash5 and he knew and
respected each other, and Onitsura arrived independently at very much the
same conclusions as Basho did. As early as 1685, he wrote: *< Apart from
truth, no poetry. All the rules hitherto obeyed lack reality. Truth must
ever be the aim, though if one were to follow truth slavishly, something

aJien to truth would result Though^ the jwords may be shallow, the

sense must be deep Consider not whether a style he antique or

moderhl^^^^tlTc" modem will become old ; the old is ever new." — Onitsura
was evidently a vigorous thinker and a sane critic. Pity that fate had not
given him a wider field to work in. That he really penetrate below the
surface of things to the lacrima rerum, is shown by such epigrams as
Nos. i62>i64, while No. 160 displays his delicate sense of humour.

(160)

Natsu tva mata

Fuyu ga masfu ja to
Iwarekeri

(Onitsura)
And in the summer, folks opined
That winter was to be preferred.

(.61)

Nyoppori to

Aki no sora nam
Fuji no yama

(Onitsura)

346 Basho and tlu Japanese Epigram.

Without a word of warning, there,
In th* autumn sky, Mount Fuji stands.

(162)

Gaikotsu no

Uc wa yosotc
Hana-mi kana

(Onitsura)

Oh ! flower-gazers, who have decked
The surface of their skeletons !

This was composed on seeing some magnificently dressed ladies and

gentlemen gazing at the blossoms.

('63)

Mata hitofsu

Hana ni tsufc-yuku
Inochi kana

(Onitsura)

^ Together with one blossom more,

Oh ! life, thou goest on thy way.

This was composed on seeing some falling blossoms.

(164)

Saku kara ni

Mini kara ni hana no
Chiru kara ni

(Onitsura)
They blossom forth, and so I gaze.
And so these flowers fade, and so

Composed on seeing some luxuriantly blossoming flowers. The world
is a roundjof perpetual change, and all phenomena are evanescent.

('65)

Oi no aki

Ake mutsu ivo kiku
Omoshirosa

(Rita, died 1755.)

Later Eighteenth Century, 347

The old man's autumn, who with joy , ,

Hears the six strokes that tell the dawn.

Old people who, sleeping little, weary for the daylight, rejoice when
: stroke of six on the temple l)cll announces that morning has at length
ne after the long autumn night. There is an implied comparison of old
: to ^he autumn season.

('66)

Hana no yumc

Kikitaki cho ni
Koe mo nashi

(Reikan, dates uncertain.)
It has no voice, — the butterfly,
Whose dream of flowVs I fain would learn.

Suggested by~a l)utterfly asleep upon a blossom. But the " !)utterfly*s
am of flowers '* was already mentioned in ancient times l)y the mysti-
Chinese philosopher Chwang Tzu.

(167)

Sendo no

Kenkwa wa sunde
Kccivazu kana

(Yuya, dates uncertain.)
And when the boatmen have made up ^

Their quarrel, oh ! then 'tis the frogs.

Noise succeeding to noise.

(168)

Toniarite mo

Tstibasa loa ugoku
Koc/id kana

(Ryubai, dates uncertain.)
Oh ! little butterfly, with wings
Still moving even when it lights !

fl V

348 Basho and tlie Japanese Epigram.

(•69)
Chiru made mo

.' ^ , 0 Chiranu kes/iiki wo

Tsubaki kana
y\ '* (Shosei, dates uncertain.)

Oh! the camellia, which ne'er
Appears Hke dropping till it drops.

An instanQfi_^ jniiiute observation : — the blossom of the camellia,
without withering, is apt to startle one by suddenly falling to the
ground. The Japanese sometimes, therefore, compare it to a deC24>itated
head.

(170)

Hyaku-nari ya

Tsurn ftito-suji no
Kokoro yori

(Chiyo, 1703-1775)

I'his is a poetical rendering of the Buddhist text A ft P|l -^ ^ Iti^
«* myriad devices simply one heart, " which means that one intention wil-
manifest itself in innumeral)le fonns, one misconception will lead to inl
numerable errors, etc., etc. A text of kindred import, which the poetess perhaps
had in mind, is Rifi* — ^H^ to be freely paraphrased as " Religion is
one, forms are many." This difficult epigram is here given on account of its

i celebrity, and also because it is typical of a class. In the impossibility of

translating it literally, the following must suffice as an appfoximation : —

X-> \ A hundred tendrih>, yea! and all

^\ From the same vine that is their heart.

Another reading for hyaku-tiari is sen-fuin, the name of a species of
climbing gourd or calabash, which is commonly* grown on a trellis to
support the quantities of pendent fruit.

(«7i)
Hini'gao ya

Dochira no tsuyu mo

^ Ma ni mvazu

(Yokoi Yayu, 1 702-1 783)

Lakr Eighteenth Centtiry. 349

Alas ! the noon convolvulus,
That neither dew may aught avail !

The asa-gao (lit. " morning face, " called in America the '* morning
ry," in England ** convolvulus") is washed by the morning dew ; similarly
■ y^'gtio (lit. " evening face ") by the dews of eve. But what of the
u-gao (** midday face ") ? What can it rely on for its refreshment ?

(172)

Yanta-dera no

Yo-ake ya kane ni
Cltim karasu

A temple on a hill, whose bell
At break of day startles the rooks.

(173)
Bake- mono 710

Shdtai initari

Kare-obana

(Yokoi Yayu)

I've seen the bogie's veritable
Shape : — ^it*s merely withered grass.

I had taken it for a goblin, and lo ! it was nothing but a clump of
t eulalia grass which grows man-high on the Japanese hill-sides, with
nds that look like beckoning hands. — This epigram, originally aimpe at
eacher whose great reputation did not maintain itself on closer ac-
lintance, has l)ecome proverbial for disenchantineut.

(174)

Mijika-yo ya

Ware ni wa nagaki
Ytimc samenu

(Yokoi Yayu)
Is life then short ? This dream of mine '

Seems long enough that now has faded.

The poet's death song.

■'' (

3SO

Bas/id a^id the Japanese Epigram,

(175)

Ugtiisu ya

Kanai sorotc
Mcshi'jibun

(Buson, 1716-1783)
The nightingale and — dinner-time,
With the whole family assembled.

A humorous contrast of the esthetic and the commonplace.

(•76)"
Kwaikyu

(Memories of the Past)

Osoki hi no

Tsuinorite toki
Mukashi katta

(Buson)

Oh ! distant past, made up of slow
But ever accumulating days !

{^77)
Soko-soko ni

Kyo vii'Sugoshinu
Tanishi'iiri

(Buson)

The snail-man, hurrying along,
Saw not the city which he traversed.

Others come to gaze at the metropolis. The poor vendor of edible
snails hurries along without seeing its wonders, and then trudges home
again, — a lecture of the hard life of the poor.

(178)

Ika-Jiobori

Kim no sora no
Ari'dokoro

(Buson)

Later Eighteenth Century, 351

kite flies in the self-same spot
cy where yesterday it flew.

these lines mean nothing more than that the kite is l)eing
r where it was flown yesterday, they have olitained great praise
2 of combined ingenuity and simplicity.

(179)

Ham-savie ya

Motio-gatari-yuku
A'lino to kasa

(Buson) ^ ^^
owV in spring, where an umbrella
rain-coat walk along conversing.

>rous sketch this of two pedestrians, of whom the spectator,
m probably from behind, sees nothing hvX their outer pro-
nst the weather.

(180)

Uznmi-bi ya

Tsui ni 7ua niem
Nabe no mono

(Buson)
smothered coals and, at long last,
gruel simmering in the pot.

e see pourtrayed some recluse sitting up on a winter's night
er, at which with difficulty he cooks his simple meal. The
-e the prominence given to the word toHmi-bii << ash-smothered

(181)

Uguisu no

Koe toki hi mo
Kure ni keri

(Buson)
I is the long spring day, wherein
nightingale did sing afar.

/ >..c

.»\'

352 Basho and the Japanese Epigram.

(182)/:;

Machi-bito not -
Ashi'Oto tbki
Ochi'ba kana

(Buson)

How distant on the fallen leaves
His footstep sounds for whom I wait !

(183)

Mizn'tori ya

Kare-ki no naka ni
Kago ni'chd

r (Buson)

Some water-fowl, and ij^»the niidst

Of withered trees two p^anc^ms:

Fourteen pages of discussion ai^'devbted in the oommentary to this
thumb -nail sketch of a desolate sceiueV- Was there any one in the palan-
quins? Were they run-away lovers? Were the bearers thj^^ or had
t/ifY run away ? Is the scene laid on the border of a marsh r ^c, &c.

(184)

Fugti'jiru no

Ware ikite iru
Ne-zame kana

(Buson)

Pokon-fish soup last night, yet lo !
I wake to find myself alive.

The fugti is a delicious, yet often highly poisonous, fish of the gemis
Tetrodon, whence a proverbial saying to which this epigram makes allu-
sion : Fitgu 7va kuitashi, itwchi wa oshishi, *• I want to eat poison-fish, yet
I grudge my life."

(185)

Ha7ia ni yote

Kacrusa nikushi
Shira-byoshi

(Buson)

Later Eighteenth Century, 353 \

The flow'rs have made mc drunk : — I loathe j ^ ', - (

The singing-girls on my way home.

TTie idea is closely similar to that of Ko. 154: — natural^ hcautyjiis-
gusts one with meretricious charra.s (and in this case the word " mere-
triciouft " may he taken in its literal sense).

(186)

Hana ni kite

Hana 7ii inevipf.u

Itoina kana

(Buson)
Coming to see the flow'rs, I sleep

Beneath the flowers, being free.

The commentators praise the 4eli .ate esthetic feeling here displayed
by the poet, who, instead of vulgarly profitii^ by every moment of time
to gaze at the blossoms, contrariwise rested and wasted some of it, as he
had the leisure ; for thus may beauty penetrate more deeply into the
soul.

(187)

Ara musnkashi no kana-zukai ya na / Jigi ni gai
arasumba, aa niama yo /

Ume sakinu

Dore ga imime yara
Ume ja yara

(Buson)

** Oh ! what a hard thing is orthography ! If there be no injury to the
sense, let us spell as we like !" — After these introductory words in prose,
the poem goes on to say literally: "Tlie plum-tree is in blossom. Which
[blossoms] are mtwu, and which ume ? " (Different ways of spelling the
Japane^ word signifying " plum-blossom. ") We are reminded of the
saying, "The rose by any other name would smell as sweet." Japanese
spelling, after centuries of neglect, was beginning to l)e discussed and
correctness insisted on in Buson 's time, which, curiously enough, synchronised
with the period when Dr. Johnson fixed our own English orthography.

354 Baslto and the Japanese Epigram,

(188)

Samidare ya

Aril yo hisoka ni
Matsu no tsuki

(Ryota, 1 7 19-1787)
In the June rains, as if by stealth,
One night the moon shines through the pines.

Ryota, the third head of the . Setsumon School and author of no less
than sixty works, was one of the most famous of the eighteenth century
revivalists. The epigram here quoted has the honour of being the only
one that ever attracted Chinese notice, and was paraphrased into that
language. The paraphrase is as follows: —

Ax^sft aiffttHK i»iii»ti«^ «i$ite«

i.e. literally, " 'Tis midsummer, and my grass hut is dreary ; every evening I fall
asleep to the sound of rain. Suddenly the moon hangs [in the sky]; and
the shadow of the pine-tree falls on my. garden."

(>89)
Meigetsu ya

Uvtare-kawaraba

Mine no vtatsn

(Ryota)

Oh! moon, if born again, Td be

A pine-tree on a mountain peak.

In order to be. the first to behold the moon rise. Remember that, to
the Japanese, the moon is the loveliest of all y^a«^«i«^> 9bjcc>s **^^'*^Ty jind
incomparable. No sunset, no rainbow, ho stars of heaven share her praise
here, as they do in Western lands.

(190)

Roku'givatsu ya

itam tokoro mina
Yu no nagare

(Ranko, 1 728-1 799)
'Tis July, and on every side
Nothing but rivers of hot water.

Later Eighteenth Century, 3JS;

This wi^ (composed at the sulphur baths of Kusatsu, the strongest
and among 1)^^ hottest in the world. See Murray's " Japan I landbook "
for a description of the curious method of lathing under a quasi-military
discipline whiol; is there pursued.

('90
Aka-aka to

Shitfio kori'kcri
Soba no kuki

To ice all crimson red has frozen
The rime upon the buckwheat stems.

(Ranko)

This is one of the numerous class of epigrams testifying to ol)serva-
t ion of minute facts in nature: — the thin crimson stems of the buckwheat
may be seen cased in ice on some day or other almost every winter, at
least in the uplands.

Kare-ashi no , ,

Hi ni hi ni orete

Nagare-keri

(Ranko)

The withered reeds, that day by day
Break off, are floated down the stream.

(193)
Mutsti Dono no

Suzumi'dai nari
Chi'Matsushima

(Gydtai, 1731-179O
On Matsushima s thousand isles
The Lord of Mutsu takes the cool.

Mutsu is the name of the province off whose coast lies the little
pioe-clad archipelago of Matsushima, famous for its beauty.

,i'

356 Basho and tlu Japanese Epigrant.

(^94)
Ama tsHtau

Hoshi no hikari ya

Naku cJudori

(Gyotai)

Where shine the stars that wend along

The heav'ns, there doth the sea-gull cry.

This is to be interpreted allegorically. The poet — a mere wandering
Samurai — had been summoned to the Court of Kyoto. Accordingly he likens
himself to a sea-gull, — a common, worthless l)ird, — and his new surround-
ings to the glorious starry vault.

(195)

UguisH wo

Modosu-}ia ume ni
Kakine shite

(Shird, 1 736-1 8 1 2)
Around the plum-flow*rs make a fence,
To stay the nightingale*s return.

A nightingale had actually come and perched upon a plum-tree in
the ix)el's garden. He would fain resort to violence to prevent its flying
home.

(196)

Inciznuia ya
i ' ^j litsujin to ni-ji

■ A ^ Kaku ma tiaki

(Etsujin, 1760-1836.)

A flash of lightning, and no time
To write the one word *' Etsujin. "

Tlie i)oint of this epigram lies in the extreme simplicity of the
characters with which the name " Etsujin " is MTitten, namely Q \
which any one could dash off in am instant of time. — This poet is to be
distinguished from his namesake (one of the " Ten Wits," sc^ pp. 296
and 337), whose name is written j^ J^.

Later Eighteenth Century, 35 7

(297)
Ware to kite

Asobe ya oya no / *'

Nai siizufne

(Issa, 1 763-1 827)
You little sparrows left without
A mother, come and play with me.

This is said to have been composed by Issa at the age of Hve, when
3 had just lost his own mother.

(198)

Nan no sono

Hyaku-man-gokti mo
Sasa fio tsuyu

(Issa)
What then? what are his million bales?
M^sne dewdrops on the bamboo grass.

The circumstances under which this ver^ was composed may serve
» illustrate the oddity and independence of spirit which characterised,
>t this poet only, but many of his brother epigrammatists. The I^rd

Kaga, richest of all the Daimyos, whose revenue was assessed at a
illion bales of rice, summoned Issa to his presence one day ; but the
tier refused to go. Thereupon, the Daimyo despatched his henchman
ith a gold-lacquered box containing His Highnesses album, to request the
vour of Issa^s autograph. This, like^%'ise, Issa at Hrst refused ; but being

length over*peffiuaded,. he took his own cheap broken ink-slab, moistened
te Indian ink stick with his saliva, and penned a line of poetry as
iquired. " If you don*t like it, you can tear it up," said he, on being
•monstrated with for his rudeness. The Daimyo, by no means displeased,
nt him ten gold coins in acknowledgment ; but Issa could only with
ifficulty be persuade to keep three shillings, the amount of his rent.
aXtx on, the D&imy5 presented him with a beautiful sandal-wood ink-box ;
at Issa was so much wearied by the visitors who flocked to gaze at it
lat he handed it over gratis to a cUrio-dealer, who took it to Yedo and
3ld it for several hundred dollars. Issa, himself absolutely indifferent to
ioney, composed the above epigram as a vent to his feelings on the

3 5 8 Baslto and the Japanese Epigram,

occasion. While his philosophy was strictly practical, his cppn^ssion ^or
all^ living jytjatures was so profound that he demurred even to killings a
flea. I lis style, though it could rise into the classical on an occasic'n,
was for the most {)art colloc[uial, as in No. 200.

(199)

Yase-kawazii

Makerti'tia Issa
Kore ni art

(Issa/)

Emaciated frog ! be not
Worsted in fight : — Issa is here.

(200)

Yard nakii-tia

Sore Iiodo bnji de
Kaeru kari

(Issa)

Hallo ! you shouldn't cry, you storks,
Returning home so safe and sound !

(201)

Kaerusa no

Yu'hi'zakura ya
Minie ni tsue

(So-a, dates uncertain.)

A typical cjcample of the class of Japanese epigrams most difiicult to
translate. The words arc literally, .** Home-going** evening sun cherry-
trees, and staff to chest." The picture is that of some aged man, who, having
sf>ent the day among the cherry-blossoms, is now returniDg home, but,
rapt by the beauty of the sunset glow upon the flowers, remains gazing at
it, his body bent and leaning on his staff. Something like the foilowing
may serve as an approximate rendering : —

Cherry-flow'rs sunset-lit : — I turn
And gaze, my breast upon my staff.

Later Eighteenth Century, 359

(202)
Sei daseba

Kdm ma mo nashi
Mizit'gnnnna

(Keirin, dates uncertain.)
If but the wheel be diligent, '

The water has no time to freeze.

This verse has become proverbial for industry.

(203)

Uguisu ya

Hana naki ki ni wa
Oranii ]iazn

(Gomel, dates uncertain.)
Of course the nightingale stays not
Upon a tree bereft of flowers.

I'he elderly poet composed this epigram on calling to see his mistress
and finding her abroad. A pretty young woman could not be expected,
he suggests, to care for a withered gallant like himself.

(204)

Koi-shinaba

Waga tsuka de nake

Hototogisu
Cuckoo! ifl should die of love,
Oh ! [come and] sing upon my tomb !

X^Miiposed by a courtesan in the Yoshiwara at Yedo, who, having
bedi ifeuidered to her lover, was abandoned by him and reduced to des-
pair.

(205)

Kuchi akeba

Go-so no miyurn
Kcnvazn kana

(Anon.)

36o

B as/to and the Japamse Epigram,

Behold the frog, who, when he opes
His mouth, displays his whole inside !

Proverbial in tljie sense of -<< Do not blurt out all your
thoughts." — The term go-zby here rendered the *• whole inside," is literally
the " five viscera."

The literature of the Japanese epigram is valmniiioiis and ccMiBtantly
growing. The following works have been consalted in the prepafaHoii of
the foregoing essay : —

JS^/J^jt '' Rtmpai Shoshi;' by M. Sasa, one thin yoL, 1887, ^^^^
with the history of Haikai and Rcnga,

^fkiL% " I^tnkai ShiJen,'' by S. Okooogi and M. Nunokawa, I toI^
1884, gives short biographies of all (he principal q)igiainmatiatSy with
specimens of their work, following chronological order according to schoolsi.

m^-^tm ** ^<fi^» //yos/iaht," by Kat6 Heki-godo, one small vol., 1889,
with a sequel entitled JKil^tltf fV ** Zoku Haiku Ilybshaku^ reproduces the
epigrams of the y|](||^ " Sant-mino Ska^* anthology, and aooompaoifs each
with a short commentary.

^Klft " Haikai-roii^^ l)y Aeba Koson, an article of 46 pages pnbltshed
in a magazine entitled ^fBPQJt^^ " Waseda BwigaJht," This distinguish-
ed man of letters here gives i>erhaps the best general view of the subject
in a concise form.

ftSt^AI* " ^^'^^ ^V'« ^^'^f" ^y Gengen-ichi, 3 vols., 1816^ with
sequel entitled JtftSit^Att " ^"^^'f -^^^'^ A^^ ^an" 3 vols., 1832,
illustrated. Biographies of epigrammatists.

lS''^^5itJSIS " ^'okott JIaika Itsttwa^" by Shigure-an, one thin vol.,
1 90 1. Anecdotes of epigrammatists. Many similar collections exist.

^^APl '' Haiku Nytmum;' by Takahama Kyoshi, a lighi pf the
Shimpa or contemporary school, I Vol, 1898. This litUe gukls to the
composition of epigrams is interesting for its general remarks on style.

^KS4^ *' //"'k'/'c?/ Dokugaku^'' issued by the Hakubun-kwan publish-
ing firm. This guide to the analysis and composition of epigrams enters
into grammatical and other details, but is not to be reoommended. The
European student desirous of embarking on the study of the Japanese
epigrammatic style should find a careful comparison of the originals
quoted in the present essay with their translations far more useful. The
favourite ellipses and other grammatical i>eculiarities of the style will be
more easily mastered in this way than by the presentation of any set of
rules.

Literature. 361

'jfM'^^ ** <Mff^<u' Aostin" ftii anthology hy Miyakc Shuzan (died
1801), m the edition entitled ffpf|#||TlrJi ** Hyoshaku Haikai Kaan;'
published by Kimura Kokfi in 1900, which adds a short commentary on
each epigram. Only the first half of the original work has yet appeared
in this form. Still this volume, published at 25 sen, is likely to l>e more
useful to the foreign student than any other, except the ^^fff|l
«* Haiku Uy^hakH^ " which it closely resembles in form.

Wtt^HmW ** Biison A'uskTt AT^V' only 2 vols, yet published in
book form, 1903. The rest b appearing gradually in a magazine entitled
** ffoioiogisu,^ Buson's epigrams are here discussed seriatim by a select
circle of admirers, whose criticisms are given exactly as delivered in Cdlo-
quial. The obscurity of many epigrams is here well exhibited.

ft]l3ltW ** Haikai Bunko,'' 24 large vols., 1887-1901, issued by the
llakubun-kwan publishing linn. This cncycIop4'edic compilation includes
matter new and old, — general treatises, biographies, the complete works
of many epigrammatists, anthologies arranged according to subjects,
ancodotical matter, prose works by the epigrammatists, their essays, notes
of travel, etc., etc, etc. The present writer does not profess to have
done more than touch the fringe of this gigantic compilation, but he
has at least profited by Uchida Fuchi-an*s biography and critifjue of
Basho, entitled «S «(«« t i« " Basha-an Tosei Den;' and t£ « » »
«* Bashb Kbden^^ by Aeba Koson's biography of Vokoi Yayu entitled m^
-ibiWlK/fV " Yokoi YayTi O no Den," by the l)iographical sketch appended
to the collection of Issa^s epigrams entitled -''^^% " fssa Zenshu^' and
by Ono Seichiku*s historical sketch of the subject entitled ^ iff -S. jt
« Haikai JRyakushir

Besides the aliove, there are the well-known general literary
histories. IIaga*s WA9^ii'W^ ** Kokubun-^^aku Shi Jikko," or " Ten
Ijectures on the History of our National Literature," has Ixjcn found
suggestive. It has, moreover, the advantage of l>eing written in Colloquial.

So far as known to the present writer, the only European authors who
have treated, however briefly, of the subject hitherto arc : —

I. IK G, AstoUy who, in his " Grammar of the Japanese Written
I^anguage," 2nd edit., p. 203 (1877), inserted 3 specimens of epigrams with
literal translations, and later, in his " History of Japanese Literature,'' pp.
289-297 (1899), gave a summary of the subject (but without touching on
origitte$\ together with literal translations of 19 specimens.

IL B. H, Chemtherlain, " Handbook of Colloquial Jai)anc3e,'' 2nd.
edit., pp. 453-4 (1889), 4 specimens — text and literal translation.

362 Baslw and tlu Japanese Epigram,

III. Lafcadio Hearn, ** In Ghostly Japan/' pp. 156-164 (l999), text,
of 8 epigrams, with literal translation and explanation. — Since the prcseoC
essay was completed, the writer's attention has been drawn to Mt.'Heam'^
two latest works, " Shadowings," pp. 69-100 (1901), and « A Japanese Mi»-
cellany," pp. 92-118 (1901), containing respectively collections pf epigrams-
on the curious subjects of cicad*x and dragon-flies, — no less than 107 in.
all, or more, if those arc counted of which not the original text, but.
only the translation is given. Some of the renderings are in the metres^
of the elegiac distich, which, owing to the far larger number of syllable^-*
of that form of verse, necessitates more or less expansion of the ■^rgfr^t^'
Others, rendered literally, though less attractive as English — or Anglicised-— ^-^
poems, possess superior value for the scicntiHc enquirer. All well exhibit=^
the endless dexterity with which the Japanese epigrammatist can iiiodulat<
the trilling of his tiny pipe.

A Brief Sketch of the History of Political

Parties in Japan*

By a. H. Lay Esq.

[Ready 4. Dfc. igo2,'\

The idea of popular representation in the Government
>f Japan may be said to have had its birth with the
:lestoration. Prior thereto indeed the minds of some
houghtful men had been turning in this direction. For
xample, Yoroi Heishiro, Shonan of Higo had for some
ears been a strong advocate of national progress in all
lirections. And Yamauchi Toyonobu, Daiviio of Tosa,
/ho had endeavoured strenuously to bring about the re-
ival of the Imperial authority, presented a memorial in 1867,
1 favour of the establishment of a deliberative assembly..
His Imperial Majesty the present Emperor, in his
Oath on the occasion of his accession to the Throne,
[lade known his enlightened desire that men should
neet in council from all parts of the country and all
flairs of state be determined in accordance with public
opinion, The achievement by all classes of the people
►f their legitimate desires and the prevention of discontent
irere necessary. Unprecedented reforms for the welfare
)f the nation were to be effected. This pronouncement
nay be regarded as the starting point of the movement
owards Parliamentary Institutions. The Imperial wishes
n regard to the opinion of the people and the necessity

*The Go Seimon (ftlSlfc) °^ ^^^ \^\\i day of the 3rd monlh of the
St, year of Mciji (April 6 1868).

364 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

for their aid in carrying on the affairs of the nation were
further notified from time to time. In a notification of a
few months later * it was declared that public sentiment,
as expressed by the councillors selected from all parts,
was to be the directing power in the future because the
private caprice of any one individual should not be allowed
to control the Empire. Again, t early in 1869, His
Majesty proclained that he was about to proceed to the
East where he would summon together his Ministers and
the Chiefs of the People in order that the popular opini-
on might be consulted, that the foundations of the nation
might be laid upon a basis which should insure national
tranquillity. All these notifications show what was in the
mind of the Emperor and His advisers in the early days
of the re-instatement of the Imperial Rule.

The spirit of the Meiji era throughout has been re-
form, and progress, and consultation of the popular will
as far as possible, within certain fixed limits, and the
enlargement of the rights of the people. In the main,
the Government has tried to fulfil the aspirations of the
people although it has at all times felt bound to act as
a drag upon over impetuosity and undue haste. With
regard to the ultimate form which Representative Institu-
tions should take, the authorities have differed and still
differ from the generally expressed desire of the people.

In considering the steps taken after the Restoration to
perfect the organs of administration, we find that when the
Government of the young Emperor was organized at Kioto,
its members were composed of 3 classes, i, Sosai (Hi^)
who had supreme control (Prince Arisugawa Satsu, assisted

*8th month of the ist year of Meiji (September 1868).
t 25th day of 2nd month of the 2nd year of Meiji.

Lxiy : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan, 365

l)y Princes Sanjo and Iwakura), Gijo or Gitci (^/£, con-
sisting of Princes of the Blood, Nobles of the Court, and
Tl^erritorial Nobles, who assisted in the direction of affairs,
conducting business that was not of the highest importance,
-and Sanyo (^|^), councillors, consisting of nobles of the
Court and retainers of the daimios chosen from various clans.
"* Eight Departments were created under the Dajokwan or
Government. The arrangement having been hurriedly made
at a time of commotion was not found workable, and accord-
ingly in June 1868 the Dajokwan issued a notification remo-
delling the system of Government. It was therein laid down
that all matters were to be settled by public discussion. The
Government was divided among seven Departments, one of
which was termed the Gisei, (^&), the Deliberative assem-
bly. The Department exercised legislative power and was
subdivided into an Upper House (_h^) and a Lower
House (T*^). The upper House consisted of Gijo, Sanyo,
Secretaries and clerks, and the Lower House had two
Presidents of debate and f ordinary members whose duty
it was to discuss, under the orders of the Upper House
af!airs relating to the Revenue, relations with foreign
countries, the coinage, colonization etc. Here we have the
germ of the present House of Peers and House of Re-
presentatives. Towards the end of 1868 a Bureau for the
investigation of matters connected with public deliberation
on affairs of state was opened % under the control of
Yamauchi Toyonobu. A Parliament called Kogijo (J^IS^f)
place for public discussion was opened at Tokio on April
18, 1869, when an Imperial Message of instruction was

* Seven if we exclude the Sosai kiokti.

tR± (Koshi).

J 19th day of 9th month of ist year of Meiji (November 3, 1868).

366 Lay : — Tlic Political Parties of Japan,

read. The opening was originally fixed for March 27,
but the ceremony was postponed in order to allow all
the members to reach the Capital from the Provinces.
The idea at first was to make representation depend upon
the importance of the clan, but this too was at the last
moment altered, and each Daimiate was instructed to
furnish one representative. In all there were 276 mem-
bers. The chamber was not actually representative of
the people but of the Governing authorities in the various
localities. Members were elected, by order of the Em-
peror, by the Councillors who carried on the affairs of
the Feudal Principalities. Akizuki Ukionosuke was the first
President. The Kogijo became known as the * Shugi-In
(jJ^H^gS) on t August 15, 1869. Among matters discuss-
ed by this so-called Parliament were questions regarding
new laws. Petitions were also received from the people.
It had been largely the desire to fashion the Japanese
constitution on western methods, and the hope that the
administration could be conducted most smoothly by
ascertaining the will of the majority, had led to the
creation of a deliberative assembly. But the constitution
(^f the SJiiigiln rendered it from its nature prejudiced and
unprogrcssive, and after a trial of a year or two the venture
was found to be unsuccessful. Its sittings were discon-
tinued from J October 4, 1870, and thereafter its business
was limited to the receipt of petitions ; but it was not
actually abolished in name till June 24, 1873.

'^' S'lTti^i-In is the name applicil to the present House of Representatives,
llu" only dirTorcncc Ix-'ing that the first of the three characters is written
«lirt'ercntly in each case. The modem term is written (ll^SIK)*

t Slh day of the 7lh month of the 2nd year of Meiji.

\ loili <Kiy of oth month (»f the 3rd year of Meiji.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japaji. 367

Extensive changes in the Dajokivaji were effected in * Sep-
tember 1 87 1. The Sei-In (iH|5c), chief College or Council
of State, the Sa-In (£Bt')» I-^^ College, and the U-In
(>&l^)» Right College or Executive, were established.
The Sa-In was intended to be a deliberative and legisla-
tive chamber with limited powers, and replaced the Shugi-
In. The members were nominated by the Emperor and the
Council of State. Goto Shojiro, who subsequently played
a leading part in Japanese politics, was the first President.

Various measures issued about this time tended to re-
move social barriers between the people, and indirectly
contributed to help the nation at large to a share in the
conduct of national affairs. By the abolition of the Feudal
System on f August 29. 1871, on the advice of Kido
Takayoshi, and its replacement by the organization of Pre-
fectures, centralization of the Government was brought about.
Also the permission granted for marriages between all
classes of the people, and the abolition of the terms da
and hiniii in October, aided in the removal of rigid social
distinctions and disqualifications.

The history of political parties in Japan from their in-
ception up to the present time may be conveniently divid-
ed into four periods, (i). The period from the Restora-
tion up to 1882 while as yet they were in embryo. (2).
From the year 1882 when they for the first time took
actual shape, until the year 1887.

(3). From the organization of the Daido-danketsu in 1887
until 1898. (4). From the date of the amalgamation of the
two strongest parties under the name of the constitutional
party, (Kenseito JKi^jR) until the present moment.

* 29th day of 7th month of 4th year of Meiji.
f 14th day of 7th month of 4th year of McijL

368 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

The stirring events of the Restoration, and the spread
of the doctrines which had brought about the reinstatement
of the Imperial authority in deed as well as in name/ led
to a great awakening of thought in the nation. The
popular mind was open for the reception of new ideas,
and fastened with avidity upon everything that appeared
to make for national advancement. The people eagerly
took up the work leading to the establishment of consti-
tutional Government which had been started under Im-
perial and official auspices.

Public opinion was divided into two currents, that of
gradual and that of rapid progress, and, in spite of a
slight backwater of conservatism, the general flow of
feeling was steady in the direction of reform.

Foreign influence soon made itself felt in Japanese do-
mestic politics. Tlie Special Mission despatched to Europe
and America at the close of 1871 was headed by Iwakura
Tomomi, Udaijin, having as assistant ambassadors Kido
Takayoshi, Councillor of State, Gkubo Toshimichi, Min-
ister of Finance, Ito Hirobumi, Vice-Minister of Works,
and Kamaguchi Naoyoshi, assistant Vice-Minister of For-
eign Affairs, and had for its main object the revision of
the Treaties. It was, however, understood in official circles
that observation of the political institutions in the countries
to be visited would form part of the duty of the Embassy.
On his return to Japan, Kido, in narrating the various cir-
cumstances which had fallen under his notice abroad, stat-
ed that the most urgent need of the nation was to estab-
lish the constitution on the basis of the Imperial Laws,
and to frame laws having something of permanency, not
* issued in the morning and revoked in the evening. He

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 369

expressed the opinion that although Japan had not yet
reached the stage when all matters could be submitted to
the decision of the public, the Government should be
conducted upon the principle of consultation of the wishes
of the people. Of the alien influences which helped to
mould the shape which it was destined that representa-
tive institutions should take, that of the United States
was first apparent. Then followed a period when the
views of those who had studied political problems in Eng-
land were predominant. And subsequently * French in-
fluence became for a time paramount. But in the end
German theories of Government prevailed and left their
stamp upon the Japanese Constitutional system.

In the year 1873 there were to be found among the
ranks of the higher officials of the Government two
well defined parties, the one desirous of gradual progress
at home, and a conciliatory policy towards other nations,
the other advocating rapid progress in domestic matters
and a resolute foreign policy. The line of demarcation
was accentuated by the discussion which arose as to
whether the conduct of Korea towards Japan in the re-
fusal to receive the letter from this country and in the
treatment meted out to the Japanese Envoys demanded
an appeal t > the sword. The peace party supported by
Okubo and Ivvakura gained the day, and the war party
severed their connection with the Government. Amoncr

* French thought made its inflfeence greatly felt in 1 88 1. The return
of Marquis Saionji from France in the early part of that year helped to
turn attention to French political and social theories. He started the
7cyd Jiyu Shhnbun, &long with Matsuzawa Kinsuke and Matsuda Masa-
hisa, in order to ventilate his opinions on the subject of freedom. The
principles of Rousseau because popular and obtained many converts in
particular the celebrated Nakae Tokusuke (Chomin), recently deceased.

370 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

those who followed the example of Saig5 Takamori in
resigning were Itagaki Taisuke, a samurai of the Kochi
Prefecture, *Soyejima Taneomi, a samurai of the Saga
Prefecture, Eto Shimpei, a samurai of the Saga Pre-
fecture, Goto Shdjiro, a samurai of the Tokio Yw, These
men were Councillors of State and had repeatedly memo-
rialished the Government of a popular assembly during
their tenure of office. Thus the Government was left in
the hands of those of more moderate inclinations, while
the ardent advocates of the rights of the people took
their place outside the ranks of officialdom, there to
labour more eflectively for their cherished object. They
met from time to time in consultation, and were joined
by Komuro Nobuo, a samurai of the old f Mi5d5 Prefec-
ture, Furusawa Uro, a samurai of the Kochi Prefecture,
both of whom had just returned from P'ngland filled with
admiration of English Parliamentary Institutions, and with
a desire to transplant them in Japan, Okamoto Ken-
zaburo, a samurai of K5chi Prefecture, and others. One
point in the conduct of the administration which they
strongly resented was the abolition of the appointment of
representatives of the clans to the deliberative assembly,
notwithstanding the fact that they were not in the true
sense representative of the people. They considered that
the abuses of a bureaucracy had ensued. The idea of
striving for the foundation in Japan of an assembly com-
posed of representatives elected by the people appealed
strongly to these reformers. Fired with zeal for the cause

* Resigned the office of Minister for Foreign affairs October 31. 1873
on the plea of ill-health.

t On August 21. 1876 the Mi6d5 Prefecture was divided between the
Iliogo and Kuchi* Prefectures Awaji going to the former Awa to the latter.

Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan, 371

they lost no time in taking steps to render the reali-
zation of their dreams possible. In the one direction
they addressed a Memorial to the Government, while at
the sajne time . they laboured fi)r the spread of their
doctrines among the people. Mere we have the genn
of the political parties which in the course of no vcxy
long time developed and flourished.

The important memorial just referred to, which is said
to have, been drafted by Furu.sawa and then submitted
to Soejima for his amendment, bore the signatures of
Itagaki, Goto, Soejima. Et5, Komuro, Furusawa, Oka-
moto, Mitsuoka Hachiro and Yuri Kimmasa, a samurai
of Tsuruga Profecture. It was presented to the Sa-In
and bore date January 17, 1874. At the same time
publication of it was effected in the Nisshin slmi ji shi
(HHiR^ftfe)* ^^ which numerous articles of interest bear-
ing upon the same and other subjects appeared at the
time. Much popular discussion was caused by its publi-
cation. In the preamble, allusion is made to .the! failure
on the part of the authorities to undertake measures to-
wards the establishment of political institutions in Japan
in spite of the return home some time previously of' the
Special Embassy. Mutual distrust had of late arisen be-
tween rulers and the ruled, the mind of the people was
agitated and there were evident signs of pending trouble,
simply because the general opinion of the Empire as as-
certained by public discussion had been suppressed. The
memorial itself goes on to say that the Governing Power
was neither in the Imperial House nor with the people,
but in the hands of officials who occupied a place between
the two. Not that these men neglected to pay respect
to the Imperial House or to protect the people. But the

372 Ijay : — The Political Parties {f Japan.

Crown was losing the reverence due to it and there was
much making and changing of laws, and favouritism pre-
vailed. The people could not make their voice heard
nor could they express their grievances. The merest
child could perceive that under the circumstances tranquil
Government was an impossibility. Reform must be eflkct-
ed or the nation would come to ruin. The remedy lay
in the promotion of public discussion which was to be
brought about by means of a Council cliambec elected
by the people. Taxpayers had a right to a voice in the
conduct of public affiiirs. It was not too early, as some
maintained, to take the step indicated, and a long ai^gunient.
in support of the contention of the memorialists followed.

In reply to the Memorial the Sa-fn returned a con-
ciliatory message on January 23, 1874. That College was
cimvinced that the principle advocated was excellent, and
having already received sanction to a proposal of a similar
nature emanating from themselves, had drafted a set of
regulations. The suggestion would therefore be adopted,
but it was recommended that the Home office just con-
stituted should first of all be called upon to express an
opinion, and that the question should be taken up after
the Local assemblies had met in view of the instructions
issued in 1873 relative to such Assemblies. But there were
not wanting those who sneered at the proposal. Kat5
Hiroyuki drew up a memorandum in criticism of the
memorial, in which doubts as to the advisability of es-
tablishing an elective assembly were uttered. To him
Itagaki, Goto and Soejima replied, jointly, on February
20, pointing out that no sudden change was in contem-
plation. At first the franchise would be bestowed only
upon the Samurai and richer fermers and merchants.

Lay : — The P^Htical Parties of Japan, 373

They had proved worthy of the right, for they it was
vfYio had produced the leaders of the revolution of 1868.

It was also urged by opponents of the movement that
the bulk erf the nation was indifferent to the proposed
change and that the samurai alone were interested. No
doubt this was more or less true at the start, but it was
not long before the new propaganda gained favour with
a large section of the nation. Before long two certain
writers asserted that the &ults of the government lay
with the few clans who controlled its conduct and that
the whole nation ought to take their place in directing
public business.

Now that the progect of a popular assembly had been
expressly brought before the attention of tlie public and
had elicited a large measure of approval in different quar-
ters, the natural sequence of events was the setting on
loot of associations formed for political purposes which
should eventually grow into political parties proper. Thus
the earliest pcditical Society from which the Jiyu^to
(Liberal Party) subsequently spr.mg, namely the * aikoku
ko to (j^H^JK)' ^^ Patriotic Society. Its aim was set
forth to be the maintenance of popular rights and to
enable the people to be self governing, free, independent,
unfettered, the first meeting was held in the Kofuku An-
zensba in Ginza, Tokio. A large number of persons
enrolled thennselves members of the Society.

But these were still early days and the cause suffered
severely at the outset from the mistaken zeal of some of
its friends. Early in 1874 occurred the attack upon
Prince Iwakura at Akasaka by Takaichi Kumakichi of

* Also known a» the Aikokmhu.

374 L'ly : — The fblitical Parties of Japan.

Kochi and eight other partisans of the side which advo-
cated war with Korea. The outbreak shortly afterwards
of Et5 Shimpei and his resistance to the forces of the
Government on the plea of patriotism and the subjuga-
tion of Korea, which cost him his life, also furnished its
enemies with excellent weapons to fight the popular
movement. Itagaki returned to his native Province,
vowing, however, that he would devote his life to the
cause of the inauguration of representative institutions.
He there established shortly afterwards the first local
political association which he named the Riss/iisha (4^
ft), showing his determination to adhere to what he
considered to be his life's work. He declared that the
time of transition which had arrived when old fashions
Avere falling into desuetude, and the administration
system had not been perfected, required that the enci^ies
of the people should be employed for the Emperor and
the nation.* We thus have Kochi and later on Hizen
among the clans which helped to bring about the Resto-
ration, working for the extension of the power of the
people, while the Government was in the main conduct-
ed by Satsuma and Choshu men.

A step towards the creation of a Representative As-
sembly was again taken in the establishment of a De-
liberative Assembly of Local Authorities by an Imperial
Decree of May 2, 1874 wherein it was affirmed that the
Imperial desire was eventually to assemble representatives
of all the people and to determine tlie laws in ac-
cordance with public opinion. t The Chamber was to

* Other political associations also were formed in Tosu, such as the
X Count Inoue Kaoru, \vli()>e laLnjurs in connection with the progress

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 375

have been opened on the loth of September 1874, but
in August of that year postponement was decreed for
the reason that Dkubo, Minister for Home Affairs, was
then absent in China as High Commissioner Extra-
ordinary endeavouring to arrive at a settlement of the
Formosan affairs with the Chinese Government. Before
calling the Local Officials together it was necessary to
ascertain whether it was to be peace or war, lest ex-
citement in the provinces should lead to mischief.
Eventually the Assembly met on the 20th of June i875»
the ceremony being performed by H.M. the Emperor
in person. An incident which aroused the ire of the press
was the refusal to allow newspaper representatives to be
present. Kido was the first President of the Assembly
and the attention of the members was as a commence-
ment called to the matter of Roads and Bridges. The
question of a Popular Assembly came up for considera-
tion in July, and, to the great disappointment of those
who supported the cause of the people, it was decided
that the condition of the country was not such as to
warrant such a step in advance, the Local Authorities
giving the weight of their influence in favour of Assem-
blies of Ku cho and Ko cho instead. Meetings were to
be held annually, but owing to the Satsuma rebellion
they were suspended for a few years. The second
session opened in April 1878, Ito being President.

In 187s a temporary reconciliation took place between
,the statesmen in office and those who had given up
their official positions. A meeting between Okubo, Ito,

of Japan, must be borne in mind, when Acting Minister of Finance*
summoned the Local Authorities to Tokio in 1872 to deliberate upon
matters oomiected with local financial administration.

3/6 Lay :^-Tke Bditical RwtUs cf Jafon.

Hido, and Itagaki, was brought about at Osaka on Jan-
uary lo, and it was agreed that a pariiatnentaiy system
should be erected as being the best means to meet the
national rcquirements. Itagaki and Kido then accepted
their old offices of Councillors of State. On the 17th of
March the four officials mentioned were commanded to
make investigations together regarding the constitution
of the Government and, as a result of their report on their
Enquiries, the Sa-In and the U-In were abolished and the
Genro in {jtM^) Senate was established on April 14, 1875,
and also the Dai Shin In (High Court of Justice).

On July 5, 1875 the Emperor delivered a speech 00
the occasion of the opening of the Genro In in which
He declared its establishment as a legislative Body of
Gikwan (Delibeiative officials). Among the members of
the Genrd In were G5t5 Shojiro, Vice President, Yanagi-
wara Sakimitsu, sko shit, Katsu Yasuyoshi, sho sJUi,
Ogue Tsune, jusAii, Yuri KuitmiSSi, jusAH, Mutsu Mune-
mitsu, S/id g(hi^ Torio Koyata, and Miura Goro, skd go4
and sko skit of the War Department, Kono Tashikawa,
sho go-i, and Kat5 Hiroyuki, jugoi.

But the reunion in official circles was not of toog
duration. In the Autumn of 1875 the " Unyo kan" was
fired on by Koreans in the vicinity of Kokwa (jl ||||)
island and the question arose whether or not war should
be declared against the Peninsular Kingdom. Itagaki
favoured vigorous measures. He was also dissatisfied
with the measure of administrative reform attained.
Accordingly, on October 12, he presented a Memorial
to the Emperor urging the separation of the Council of
State from the Executive Departments. Shimazu Hisa-
mitsu, Sadaijittf a few days later, presented a similar

Lay : — The Ihlitical Parties cf Japan, yj'j

Memorial in which he expressed his concurrence with
the views expressed by Itagaki. The outcome was that
both of them were on the 27th relieved of office at their
own request on March 28» 1876. Inouc too was similarly
relieved of his duties.

1875 also saw the liberty of the press, of public speech,
^nd of publication considerably restricted. The Govern-
ment, not without reason, feared the consequences of
complete freedom of expression of public opinion while
the newspapers complained that they were hampei^
^nd fettered, and, in at least one instance, were punished
merely for complaining of the severity of the law. The
jiew Press Laws were promulgated on July 28, and
^heir stringency created widespread consternation. One
newspaper .stated that they had at once put a stop to
^Dublic discussion throughout the Empire. Even tlie
Tiioderate Nichi Nichi Shimbun fell under the ban of
official displeasure. Imprisonment of editors and suspen-
2sion of newspapers were matters of common occurence.*
Jt was no wonder that constant attempts were made to
<ievade the laws as, for instance, by substituting the
viame of some other country for Japan in an article and
^hen giving vent to their feelings in reference to that
ther country so that any one reading between the lines
ould see that Japan was meant. The complaint was
lade that Japan was a pure absolute monarchy and that
^ihe real legislative and judicial powers lay with the
^Dabinet Ministers.

But, in spite of all this apparent reaction, the course

• At one time there vrere over 30 newspaper contributors in prison
I Tokio alone.

37^ Lay : — ^754^ Pblitical Parties of Japan,

of events tended generally towards the goal of Con-
stitutional Government.

According to an Imperial message made known by
Prince Arisugawa, President of the Genroin, to it«
members on September 6, 1876, that body was entrusted
with the duty of drafting a Constitution by an extensive
consideration of the legal systems of foreign countries
and the employment upon mature reflection of the ideas
therein embodied when suitable. A Committee of investi-
gation was appointed consisting of Nakajima Nobuyuki,
the first President of the present House of Repre-
sentatives, Yanagiwara Sakimitsu, Bukuha Bisei. But
an unfortunate check was given to progress by the
troubles which arose the following month and which
preceded the outbreak of the Satsdma rebellion in Jan-
uary 1877.

While the civil war was in progress it was feared that
disaffection might spread to other parts of the Empire
and Itagaki had returned to Tosa in order to exercise a
restraining influence upon his followers. The Risshi sha,
acting in concert with the Sciken sha held consultations
regarding the conduct of the Government and the need
for an Elective Assembly to cure the evils the
State was suffering from. On May 14, 1877, Kataoka
Kenkichi, as representative of the Risshisha^ presented a
lengthy Memorial to the Imperial Court at Kioto. It
was pointed out therein that when the Feudal Princi-
palities were converted into Prefectures, an Assembly of
samurai should have been convened and public discussion
further developed. But instead of that the Government
behaved in an arbitrary manner and to this could be
traced all the ills of the present maladministration. Neither

iMy : — The Political Parties of Japan. 379

!ie Genro In nor the Daishin In had fulfilled the natural
xpectation raised at the time of their institution.
ustice had not been done to the Samurai, Their offices
ad been abolished but no laws had been framed for
leir protection, nor were they admitted to a share in the
eliberations of the Government. Other grievances such
5 the financial conditions were also touched upon. In
Dnclusion it was represented that the establishment of
1 elective assembly and the enactment of Constitutional
aws were the means by which a free and independent
)i:it could be fostered among the people and they
)uld receive settled ideas upon politics.

The attention of the Government had been anxiously
>ced upon Kochi for some time as it was feared that
ibellion might spread thither from the South. Measures
ere taken to prevent any recourse to force, and arrests

men who had come to the front there and in other
irts of the country w6re effected. For example, Kata-
va Kenkichi, Hayashi Yuzo, * Oe Taku, Takenouchi
suna, Mutsu Munemitsu, a samurai of Wakayama, and
tcrwards Minister for Foreign Affairs, and others who
id been taken into custody were sentenced to various
rnis of imprisonment in the summer of 1878. After
le rebellious outbreak had been quelled, the power of
le central Government was found to rest upon a firmer
isis than ever, and the movers in the cause of popular
:presentation deemed it necessary to institute a political
impaign throughout the country, to revive the interest in
le question which was languishing. It was decided to
!suscitate the Aikokusha which had practically ceased to

*A Samurai of Kochi Ken.

380 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

exist except in name, and Sugita Teiichi, Kuribara Rio
ichi, Ueki Emori, Yasuoka Michitaro, in April 1878 pre
ceeded on a tour throughout the country to re-awakei
the people, visiting the Kinai, Hokuriku, Sanin, Sanyc
Shikoku and Kiushu Provinces. The cause of public dis
cussion was, however, for * the moment brought into dis
credit by the misguided act of certain of its adherents
Okubo, who had for so many of the years of the ne^
life of Japan been a pillar of the State, was killed o
May 14, and his six murderers issued a paper settin;
forth the alleged crimes of their victim, in the forefror
of which was the charge of obstructing open discussio
and trampling on the rights of the people. The death c
Dkubo prevented him from beholding the reforms calcu
lated to further the growing and widely expressed desir
for representation which he had largely contributed t
bring about, and which were announced two months latei
On July 22, 1878 were published * three enactment
passed by the Chiho-Kwan Kwaigi having a most iiti
portant bearing on the conduct of local affairs and making
for localization. These were the Fu Ken Kwai Kisok
(Regulations relating to Fu and Ken assemblies), the Cht
hpzei' — Kisoku (Regulations relating to local Taxation), an(
the Gun Kticho sonhenseiho (Law for the formation c
country and City Districts, towns and villages). A larg
measure of local autonomy was thereby conceded.

While liberal principles were thus asserting themselve
within the Government, the idea of the people obtaining
a share in the direction of affairs spread and even mad<
converts among the higher officials in the Provinces

♦The San Dai Shimpo (H:^JfS).

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 381

Sympathy on the part of several of the Local Authorities
was hailed with rejoicing, as they were regarded as the
representatives of the people of the Prefectures. In Sep-
tember 1878 a large meeting of sympathizers with the
popular aspirations was held at Osaka and in its sequel
the Aikokus/ia came to life again Similar societies ex-
tended throughout the Northern Provinces, Shikoku and
Kiushu. The Aikokiisha held a second largely represent-
ative meeting at Osaka in March 1879, to which a num-
ber of associations sent delegates, and at a further assembly
which took place in the following November, a determi-
nation was expressed to present a petition to the Govern-
ment praying for the grant of a national assembly, the
means for giving effect to their wishes to be carefully
considered and to be discussed in March of the next
year. Speakers were also to be despatched to various parts
of the country to arouse local enthusiasm. The views of the
Society were at the same time disseminated by pamphlets.
Accordingly the Aikokusha met again in March 1880 when
its supporters formed themselves into an association Call-
ed the Kokkwai Kisei Dontei Kwai (g^^jftlPjai^),
Union for the establishment of a Parliament. Mr. Kata-
oka and Kono were appointed delegates to undertake the
presentation of the petition. They proceeded to T5kio as
* representatives selected by the ninety seven persons
^ho were acting on behalf of twenty two Prefectures, two
cities, and eighty seven thousand people, and attempted to
Iiand their prayer first to the Dajokzvan and then to the
Cenrd'In, Refusal to receive it, however, met them, on
^he ground that no provision existed for the receipt of

* Kemeito Shdsht\

382 Lay : — Hie Political Parties of Japan.

political petitions. Many other documents of similar im-
port found their way to Tokid from various localities, and
it was claimed that by the end of April seven or eight
tenths of the whole people had made their voice heard
urging that a Parliament be given them. To restrain this
clamour for a parliament repeated from so many quarters,
and to control the crowded gatherings which were con-
vened with this as their avowed object, lest any distur-
bance might arise, the Government promulgated the Law of
Public Meetings on April 3, 1880. The meetings of the
old Aikokusha at Osaka were thereby put a stop to, and
the association for a time obliterated itself only to re-
appear in the future in a stronger and more permanent
shape. The stringent ineasures taken by the Grovernment,
though conceived rather with the object of controlling
the more unruly elements among the political societies,
were strongly resented by the public at large. The move*
ment in favour of a national assembly was declared by
its devotees to be ten times stronger than that which oc-
casioned the overthrow of the Tokugawa rule. In the
latter case only the samurai ditid higher grades of society
had taken an active part. Now the entire population
was vitally interested. Events proved the correctness of
this judgment. The late Mr. Fukuzawa was much in-
terested in this as in all other questions aflecting the
national life, and he expressed an opinion in one of his
works that the best way to bring the Government and
people into proper touch with each other was by a
National Asaembly.

Meanwhile the Government were continuing upon th
the lines of gradual progress in legislation &c. Th

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japayi, 383

* Criminal Code and Code of Criminal Procedure, for exam-
ple, were issued in 1880 (July). Public opinion, however,
was by this time a force which had to be reckoned with in
1 manner different from the attention which it had claimed
It any previous period in the history of Japan. Among
the ranks of the Government there was a growing feeling
that a reasonable measure of concession to the wishes of
the people could not be delayed much longer. In the
spring of 1880 a proposal, according to the Kemei slioshi,
emanated from f Marquis Yamagata to the effect that a
Parliament should be constituted by selection from among
the members of the City and Prefectural assemblies.
Lieut.-General Torio Koyata also published his views re-
garding constitutional and Parliamentary administration.
But amongst the officials Count (then Mr) C>kuma, pro-
bably more than any other statesman, had the cause of the
people at heart, and sympathized with their desire for re-
presentation. He offered a suggestion to the Emperor
regarding the advisability of a national assembly being
opened in the near future (1883). It was not long before
his hopes were realized.

In the annals of domestic politics in Japan the year
1 88 1 stands out conspicuously. On the 12th of October
His Majesty The Emperor promulgated the famous Im-
perial Ordinance in which the promise was given that a
Parliament should actually be established in 1890. As
a preparatory measure ltd, in company with a number or
junior officials, was despatched to Europe early in 1882
to study the political systems of the west.

The various associations scattered throughout the coun-

♦ Keiho and chigihd.
t then Count.

384 Lay : — The Pblitical Parties of Japan,

try, with reform and popular representation as their aim,
now found themselves within measurable distance of their
goal. The next step to be taken was re-organization on
the lines of parties entitled to compete in the election of
members of the Diet Consequently tlie year 1882 saw
the actual birth of the three important parties which are
still in existence, though the names by which tliey have
been know have been altered aj; various stages of their
history.

To the Jiyuto^ or Liberal Party as it has been com-
monly called, belongs the credit of being the senior in
the field, thought it was not really the first to be proper-
ly registered as a political association. The part played
by Itagaki in the awakening and organization of the
pDlitical energies of the Empire and this establishment of
the Aikokusha and the Kokwai Kisei Domei Kwai has
already been referred to. In November 1880 the last
named union held a meeting attended by sixty for dele-
gates repi*esentative of * two cities and twenty two Prefec-
tures. It was decided to change the name of the society
to the Dai Nippon Kokkwai Kisei Yushi Kwai {^ H 4^
Bi^^^^'^#)i Public Association of persons in sym-
pathy with the idea of the establishment of a Parliament
in Japan. A determination was arrived at to organize a
party with fixed principles based upon the idea of freedom.
This was practically the first formal recognition of the
necessity for political parties on well defined lines. Thus
the Jiyutoy party of freedom or Liberal Party, acquired

* Kiato and Osaka and the Prefectures of Fukuoka, Shimane, Ishikawa,
Ehime, Nagano, Mumamoto, Akita, Aiclii, Kochi, Gumma, Aomori, Fuku-
shima, ^Shiga, Niigata, Tochigi, Okayama, Ibaraki, Hid^, Iwate, Oita,
Miyagi, and Saitama.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 385

its name. A manifesto was drawn up consisting of three
articles. Desire to enlarge the freedom of the Japanese
people, to extend tl*eir rights and afford them protection
was the raison d*etre of the party. The Jiyuto would
labour for national progress and the growth of the hap-
piness of the people. In their opinion all Japanese pos-
sessed equal rights and Constitutional Government was
befitting to Japan. On October 29, i88i the ceremony
of establishing the party was performed at the Ibumura-
ro, Asakusa, Tokio. At the same time the Dai Nippon
Kokkzvm Kisei Kokivaiy which had still remained in ex-
istence, was amalgamated with the Jiyuto, the step being
taken because it was felt that the multiplication of parties
united in principle was disadvantageous. The headquar-
ters of the liyuto were established at No. 9 Yariyacho,
(Ciobashi District, Tokio. Officials were appointed as
follow — Itagaki. President ; Nakajima Nobuyuki, Vice
President; Goto Shojiro, Baba Tatsue, Suehiro Shigeyasu,
Takenouchi Tsuna, Standing Committee. Thus the party
was fully organized. It was, however, not until July 8,
1882 that official sanction to the constitution of i\\Q Jiyuto
as a political party was obtained. Prior to that date the
party had come into conflict with the police for infringe-
ment of the La^v of Public meetings by holding gather-
ings which had not been reported beforehand to the
proper authorities. The Managers of the party were
mulcted in fines. ^

Rikken kat-shin-id (43l2fei§jll[)» Constitutional Reform
Tarty, or Liberal Conservatives as they have been termed,
^he progenitor of the Shimpoto and the later Kensei-hon-td,
AAfas established in the early months of 1882. It had its
»"ise among the moderate reformers in the ranks of official-

386 Lay : — Tlu Politieal Parties of Japan,

dom whose watchword was slow but steady progress.
Mr. Okuma's advocacy of the urgency of establishing a
popular assembly had raised up for him enemies among
his colleagues and his opposition to the sale of industrial
undertakings in the H5kkaid5 had widened the breach.
To him was due the credit of lending the weight of his
influence to the popular cause, and he turned to the people
for their assistance in the work of reform. According to
the Gd-dd-ken-ko-roku, Mr. Dkuma had no intention of
limiting his efforts to obtaining an elective assembly for
the people. He had at heart the achievement of great
reforms of State and desired to rally round him those of
the .same way of thought throughout the country, in
order to be prepared for the changes which the times
were bringing about. Among his sympathizers he coun-
ted Ono Azusa, who was regarded as one of the ablest
men of the day, Ogawa Tamejiro, Tachibana Kwaijiro,
Ichijima Kenkichi, Yamada Ichird, Takata Sanae, Oka-
yama Kenkichi, and Amano Tameyuki. Meetings for the
discussion of the question of a political organization and
of matters relating to a Constitution were held at Ono's
house, and the society which collected there was known
as the 0-to-kwai (g|^^). Th§ avowed object of Mr.
Dkuma in interesting himself in political parties was to
place the Cabinet on a democratic basis and not have
the authority in the hands of a particular class.

The better to fulfil what he conceived to be his duty,
Okuma resigned his official posts in October 188 1,
carrying with him a number of the most promising of
the Government servants. Those who followed him from
office included Yano Fumio, Secretary to the Dafdkwan,
Inukai Ki, and Ozaki Yukio of the Account Depart-

Lay : — The Political Parties of Jxipan. 387

m^nt, Nakamigawa Hikojiro and Komatsubara Eitaro,
both of the Foreign Office, Shimada Sabiiro and Tanaka
Kozo of the Department of Education, Kono Binken (Toshi-
gania) Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, * Mae*
jima Mitsu Postmaster-General, Judge Kilabatake Haru^
fusn, Ono Azusa of the Bureau of Audit, Mudaguchi
Gengaku of the Department of Agriculture and Com-
merce, imd Nakano Buei of the same Department, as
-well as others. On April 8, 1882 a Cherry Garden
Party was held in the grounds of Mr. Okuma's residence
near Kijibashi, now occupied by the French Legation.
Among the guests were Messrs Ono, Ogawa, Takata,
Jctiijima, Okayama, Amano, Yamada Ichijiio, Yamada
Kinosuke, Sunakawa Yushun, Kimura Takejiro, Kosaki
KQiTvatar5, Isobc Jun, Kitadai Masaru, and Ishiwatari.
The meeting was an occasion for political discussion and
plans for organization, and was succeeded by the in-
augural ceremony which was performed at the Meiji
Kaidd on the i6th. The headquarters of the Kaishinto,
as the party was commonly called, were located in the
building just mentioned, 14 Nichome, Kobikicho, Kio-
bashi District, Tokio. Mr. Okuma was the first Presi-
dent, Kono Benken, Vice-President, Ono, f Mudaguchi
and X Haruki Yoshiaki being Managers. The inclination
•was towards English parliamentary institutions as a
model. The manifesto of the party ran as follows:— (i)
The preservation of the dignity of the Imperial House

♦ Created a Baron on the occasion of the celebration of the 25th an-
niversary of the accession of Japan to the International Postal Union,
June 1902.

t Now President of the Tokio Tramway Co.

X President of the Tokio Appeal Court.

388 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

and the perfecting of the happiness of the people, (2)
Internal reform to be the principal end in view and the
national rights to be extended, (3) Local Self-Govem-
ment and restriction of centralization, (4) Extension of
the franchise pari passu with the progress of society,
(5) Negotiations with foreign countries in regard to
points of policy to be limited, and commercial negotia-
tions strengthened, (6) The principle c»f a hard money
system to be maintained. Superiority was indirectly
claimed for the Kaishinto in the matter of personnel as
compared with the Jiyuto. In the Go do gen-koroku it is
stated, as a quotation from the Tsui-shi-roku of Yamada
Ichiro, that in the ranks of tlie Jiyuto there were at the
beginning no scholars, and that they could indeed only
count one such who was in sympathy with them, viz.
Fujita Shiro, because of the violence and radical views
of the party, but it is at the same time admitted that
there were not at the time many such men to be found
in any of the rival camps. Socially the Kaishinto no
doubt ranked above the JiyTtto. After the complete
t)rganization of the Kaishinto, the Akiba Kwai {1^ H ^)
for the investigation of questions concerning the Con-
stitution was set on foot by Ono and others.

What was styled the Meiji Grovernment Party, the third
and last of the three great parties, namely, the Rikken
Tei sei to (it ^^l&i 3K)» ^'^' Constitutional Imperial
Party, arose in March 1882 as an opponent of the more
advanced and popular parties. Among its chief pro-f
moters must first be mentioned Fukuchi Genichird of the
Nichi Nichi Shimbuii which was then known as the go*
yd sJiimbun official newspaper, and advocated careful
advance, attacking the radical politicians on frequent

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 389

occasions. The other promoters were Mizuno Torajiro
of the Toyo Shimbiin, Mariiyama Sakura of the conser*
vative Meiji Nippo, Misaki Kamenosuke, Seki Naohiko
and Watanabe Asaka. On March 18, 1882 the Rikken
Tei-sei'to was formed and its formation was publicly an-
nounced early in April. The programme of the party
was ennunciated in eleven articles. The points insisted
upon were : —

1. The opening of the Diet in 1890, which the party
accepted as determined by Imperial Ordinance.

2. Approval of the Constitution as it should be
determined by Imperial order.

3. The Sovereign Power lies in the Emperor, but its
exercise is governed by the Constitution.

4. There should be two houses in the Diet.

5. Members must have certain qualifications.

6. The Diet to discuss and settle laws.

7. The final determination of questions to rest with
the Emperor.

8. Naval and military men to keep aloof from
politics.

9. Judicial officers to be independent with the gradual
completion of the Judicial system.

10. Public freedom of meeting and speech in so far
as it does not interfere with national tranquility.
Freedom of newspaper writing, public speaking,
and publication within the limits of law.

11. The existing paper money system to be gradually
changed for convertible paper money.

The more noticeable difference between this declaration
and the expressed principles of the JiyTitb and Kaishinto
is its more conservative nature.

390 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

Political parties were at this time forbidden by IdW
to have branches in the provinces. On official re-
cognition being obtained all local offshoots had to be
dissolved. In consequence, a multitude of parties of
divers names sprang up all over the country.

To the Jiy'tto were as it were, affih'ated the Osakal
Rikken Seitdy Shizuoka Gakunan JiyTUo, Kochi Kainan
Jiyuto, A\\d]\ JiyutOy T tsu JiyutOy Mikawa Sanyo Jiyuto^
Aitchi Jiyuto, Etchu Jichito, Echigo Kubiki sangim Ji-
yutOi O'tl Tohoku Shichi-shii Jiyuto, In sympathy with
the Kaishinto were the Akita Kaishinto, the Mito Kai-
shinto of Ibaraki, the Etchu Kaishinto of Toyama, the
Shizuoka Kaishinto, the Jakn-etsii Kaishinto of Fukui,
the Hiogo Kaishinto, the Rinsen KaishintJ of Fukuoka.
In touch with the Tci sci to we find the Kumamoto 57//-
mci Kw^Uy Tosa Koyo Rikken Tciseito, Okayama Chu-sei-
Kwai, Tango Miyai:n Zenshinto, Yamanashi Rikken ho-
shu tOy and the Tokio Rikken chu sci to and Fnso Rikken
tei-sci-t'j, Tiicn, outside of the three strong parlies were
the Hakuai-to of Kagoshima, the Ko-gi'Sci-to of Kuma-
moto, the Rikken tci sei to of Chikuzen, the Fushaku-kwai
of Ehimc, the Db-yu-kwai of VVakayama, the Rio-yu-kwai
of Echizen, the Chi-kcn-kivai of Fukui, the Rikken-shin-
sei'tb of Kanagawa, the No-o JiyTi Kai-shin-to of Noto,
the Senyu'kivai of Shizuoka, the Td-yo-sha-kwai'td of
Shimabara, Hizen. i882 may well be called the year of
parties in Japan. In fact, political bodies sprang up
everywhere and the interest exhibited in public af&irs
was striking. The luse of the word rikken, constitutional,
in the nomenclature of so many of the political bodies
shows what importance was attached to the principle of
constitutionalism in the administration of the Govemmenh

Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan 391

But from the very start lack of cohesion militated greatfy

against successful effort and efficiency of organization and

although this fault was to some extent remedied later on

when circumstances became more favourable it Ha^

always continued to be the bane of political parties in

Japan.

It will be remarked that the utterances of the various
parties when they first came into existence present no
features in the main of a distinctive nature. All put forth
excellent doctrines but they were strongly characterized
by vagueness. The same characteristic has been notice-
able throughout their history, except when some question
of urgency has for the moment arisen. This is no doubt
the reason why the grouping has constantly changed,
one group merging into another and secessions oc-
curring, frequently without apparent cause. TIk! line of
cleavage has consequently never been very distinctly
•drawn and men have all the time passed from the ranks
of one party to ally themselves with another. Nor is
this to be wondered at in the absence of any concrete
issue, which when it has appeared, has invariably con-
solidated the parties. The secret appears to lie in the
-feet that sentiment, rather than fixed and definite
principles leading to well-defined ends, has been the
motive power.

But the excitement had been so great and the move-
ttlent so rapid that the reaction was bound to come
-speedily. 1883 and the following years therefore
-witnessed a falling off in political fervour among the
people and disunion and disruption among the parties.
The sure promise of a National Assembly for 1890 also
€5ofitribUted to bring about a relaxation of interest in

392 iMy : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan.

things political. Having the goal of their desires in
view, the country ceased to pay the same concentrated
attention to political agitation. Itagaki had in his mind a
trip to Europe to study in person the systems of Grov-
ernment and methods of party organization in use abroad,
but the scheme was temporarily frustrated by the wound
he received in an attempt made by Aibara Shokei to
assassinate him at a gathering at Gifu on April 6, 1882,
and by the work entailed in connection with the issue of
the Jiyu Shimbtm. But he eventually sailed for Europe,
in company with Goto on November 11, 1882 and was
absent from Japan till June of the following year. The
absence of these two leaders from the arena removed a
check upon the rank and file of the party. After their
departure mutual jealousies arose between the Jiyuto and
Kaishinto. The former attacked Okuma and his followers
violently on account of certain improper relations alleged
to exist between them and the Mitsu Bishi Company.
For their part, the latter accused the Jiyuto of giving all
their time to personal and party attacks and trying to
create divisions among the parties. The parties were
moreover, divided amongst themselves. For example
seceders from the Jiyuto, Messrs Baba Tatsui, Oishi Ma-
sami, Suehiro Shigeyasu, formed the Dokiiritsu to. It
was the same story of lack of discipline which has
already been cited.

Meanwhile the Authorities saw good cause for anxiety
lest the awakened political feeling should act to the de-
triment of good Government. They feared the large in-
temperate and irresponsible element which was in marked
evidence among the public exponents of popular rights
and took steps to safeguard the interests of peace and

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 393

tranquillity. By stringent measures, which never failed
to err on the side of severity, they endeavoured to re-
strict full liberty of speech, public meeting and news-
paper writing. Amended newspaper regulations, issued
on April 16, 1883, made still more difficult the conduct
of newspapers. The proprietor, editor, manager, as well
as the foreman of a newspaper, instead of the editor
alone as before, were made liable to punishment in case
of infringement of the provisions of the law. Not only
so, but the amount of security to tie deposited by per-
sons wishing to start a newspaper was fixed at a sum
that was in many cases prohibitive, namely, 1,000 ycfi
in Tokio, 700 yen in Osaka, Kioto, Yokohama, Hiogo,
Kobe and Nagasaki and 350 yen in other places. And
the dispersal of political meetings was more frequent in
1883 than was before.

Numerous were the proofs that the Government had
reason to dread the effect upon the ignorant of the pro-
pagation of the new doctrines, though the repressive
measures adopted no doubt accentuated the difficulty of
the situation. Many were the arrests, and suspension of
newspapers was frequent. A number of the more ex-
treme adherents of the '^JiyJito came in for much censure
for their violent methods. The most striking instances
of infringement of the law which furnished the chief
handles for attack to their enemies were the f Fuku-

* One Japanese newspaper at the time stated that the public had
come to regard them as Nihilists or Socialists.

t In September 1883 judgment was given in this affair, in which the
■overthrow of the Government had been attempted ; and Kono Hironaka
was sentenced to 7 years' minor confinement, and Tamono Hideaki (who
died in prison). Kanaka Kiojiro, Aizawa Xeiken, Hirajima Matsuo to a
6 years* term. Subsequently the sentences of the survivors were decreased*

394 Lay' — The Political Parties of Jqpan,

shima affair, the * Kabasan affair, and the f^^saka affair.
In an article published in September 1883 the inde-
pendent Jiji Shimpo complained that politics were con-
fined to a class of men who made it their profession
and that evils consequently resulted.

All the parties, though so recently organized, felt
themselves more or less discredited. The Rikken tei-sei
to from its inception distrusted by the Cabinet, was the
first to reach the conclusion that it would be better that
its members should separate. Dissolution was effected
on September 24, 1883. Opposition journals at the time
held that such a course had been inevitable sooner or
later. There was no need for a special Imperialist asso-
ciation in a country where all were loyal. This example
was followed by the Jiyuto a year later. At its 3rd
annual meeting held at Osaka on October 29, 1884 it
decided that dissolution was advisable for a number of
reasons, among which were the prohibition against the
existence of branches of the party, the restriction of the
liberty of the press, and internal disunion. But this de-
termination was based upon a resolve that the step
should be a temporary one, merely taken in order to
gather strength for further effort. In the case of the
Kaishinto also there was a strong faction in favour of

* In September 1884 some numbers of the Jiyuto plotted to overturn
the Government, making the base of their operations at Kabasan in Hi-
tachi. Tominaga Masayasu and four others were sentenced to death, not
for their political offence, l)ut on a charge of robbery and murder.

t On November 23, 1885 Oi Kentaro, Kobayashi Kusuo, Arai Shdgo,
Inagaki Shimtsu, etc., were accused of complicity in a plot to raise a revo-
lution in Korea. ( )i and Kobayashi were arrested at Osaka, the other
two at Nagasaki. The first three named, received a sentence of 9 years
penal servitude, subsequently shortened.

Lay: — The Political l\trtic$ of /n^n. 395

dissolution. The financial depression prevailing had it8
effect on politics, and it was maintained by Kono who
was supported by Mudaguchi, Haruki, Fujita Takayuki, etc.>
that dispersal and a guerilla warfare were the best plan.
Bui opinions were divided. Messrs Okuma and Kono,
the President and Vice-President, left the Kaishinto on
December 17* 1884 on grounds which comprised the
lack of union and insubordination existing among its
members ; and the party was reduced to a condition of
weakness. A Committee of seven was appointed to
nianage the business thereafter and consisted of Numa
Shutchit Fujita Mokichi, Shimada Saburo, Ozaki Yukio,
Koizuka Riu» Minoura Katsundo, Nakano Buei. In the
end the extreme step of dissolution was advised, and the
Kms/iinO continued to drag out a more or less
moribund existence until new life was infused into it by
the Spirit of the movement in favour of the amalgama-
tion of progressive political parties in common opposition
to the Government, which was started in Kiushu as early
as 1883 but did not develop strength for some years
later.

The Government had all this time not neglected pre-
paration for the inauguration of the promised Constitu-
tion, ltd Hirobumi, the great Japanese Statesman, to
whose ability and research the Japanese system owes
more than to any other man, returned from Europe in
August 1883 after fully completing his investigations,
and devoted himself to the work of drawing up the
Constitution. On March 17, 1884 the ^ Scido-tori-shirabe-
khku ($1 IK % M J^) was formed in the Imperial

* Bureau for investigation concerning the Constitution.

.- ^ Ai

396 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan,

Household Department and Ito was appointed, head over
it. H.E. also a few days later succeeded Marquis Toku-
daiji as Minister of the Department in question. His
constitutional work was thus closely associated with the
Imperial House, the source and fountain of Government
in Japan, in order that the task might be accomplished
under the personal supervision of His Majesty. This was
the reason, given by reliable authorities, why the House-
hold, rather than any of the other Departments of State,
was selected. It showed clearly that the Emperor was
to remain the ** Head of the Empire, combining in
** Himself the rights of sovereignty," though it was 43e-
termined, with His sanction, that tlieir exercise should be
thereafter guided by the provisions of the Constitution
which was a free gift from Him to His people. The evolu-
tion of the Constitution went on apace. To pave the
way for the Ordinance regarding the House of Peers
which was auxiliary to and promulgated along with the
Constitution on* February ii, 1889, a Notification deter-
mining the new Orders of Nobility was issued on July
7, 1884. Titles were conferred, in a fashion copied
from the West, upon persons of noble descent and upon
<:ivil and military officers who had rendered signal
service in the Restoration. 12 Princes, 24 Marquises,
74 Counts, 321 Viscounts, 69 Barons were . created, 500
Peers in all. Various other reforms, necessitated by the
jiew era of Constitutional Government, were instituted.
Towards the end of the year 1885 the Cabinet system
was remodeled and the present arrangement and nomen-
clature of Departments of State was introduced. Ito
became Minister President besides retaining the post of
Minister of the Imperial Household Department.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 397

For the next few years the political world was com-
paratively calm. Mr/ Itagaki on his return from his
European trip, did not justify the hope that a renewal
of political activity would immediately follow, going at
once to his native place. The intense zeal of 1882 was
wanting, but all the time, though the people directed
their energies principally into other channels, they did
not allow themselves entirely to lose interest in politics.
Of the KaislUntd during this time it was said that its
members were in the main occupied with ordinary affairs
or with writing. On the surface there was little to indicate
that political matters interested the nation at large.

Period 2.

After a while, however, signs of returning animation
began to appear. In April 1886 the Kaishintb presented
a memorial dealing with the questions of local Au-
tonomy and freedom of speech and public Meeting. Ill
September 1886 a number of the prominent adherents of
the defunct Jiyuto met for consultation in Tokio and
sentiments favourable to the sinking of petty differences
arid the formation of one great united party were ex-
pressed.

Some . of the leaders of the Kaishinto were alsfO
.known to be well-disposed towards union. Here wb
have the Commencement of the movement towards the
creation of the amalgamated association known as the
Dcddo'danketsu (:fc ^ OB IS)- ^ Both Itagaki and Goto
used their influence in 1887 to effect a union and
political activity became more and more marked from the
'year mentioned. The * Tei-gai Club (T^ (R IS§ fi|5)

* Hinoto-i, the designation of the year 1887. Hence the '87 Club.

398 Lay:—Tke Pbfyicat IhriUs €f Jhpm.

was formed by tiie exertions of the latter in October and
its members were drawn from various parties. The
manifesto stated that the object was the imion in
practice of those of like ideas already united in theory,
organization and inter-communication.

Rigorous enforcement of the regulations regardiRg
newspapers and public meetings was continued all this
time by the Government. Newspapers were as before
suspended continually and it was practically in/ipossibfe^
owing to the minute and what migiit tie temied
vexatious requirements of the law, to hold a public
meeting uninterrupted by the police with an order to
dissolve. The natural consequetice of the deprivation of
freedom of public meeting was the holding of private
and secret meetings instead. The Government were well
aware of the growing discontent and for further security
considered more coercive measures necessary. They
issued the Ho-an Jo-rei (^ 5Sc 1^ |f!|)» Peace Preservation
Regulations, on December 25, 1887, proliibiting secret
associations under a penalty of minor confinement for
not less than one month and not more than two years,
in addition to a fine from 10 to 100 yen. Under the
ban of this enactment fell such well-known men as
Hoshi Toru, Hayashi Yuzo, Nakajima Nobuyuki, Ozaki
Yukio, Kataoka Kenkichi, Nakae Tokusuke, Takenouchi
Tsuna, Nishiyama Shicho and hundreds of others^ who
were banished from Tokio to a distance of 3 /7 at 24
hours' notice. Great was the excitement which followed
the enforcement of these reactionary regulations. The
revised newspaper regulations issued on December 28,
1887 were, however, a distinct advance in the direction
of liberty.

Lc^:^ — The IVitical Parties cf Japan. y^

It must, nevertheless, always be borne in mind that,
however harsh legislation at times appeared, the Govern-
ment pressed steadily forward in the path of reform and
progress. On April 28, 1888 the Sumitsu4n (jfjl ^ |^),
Privy Council, was formed with Ito as President, a Vice-
President, twelve members (of whom one was Kono
Benken), a Chief and several other Secretaries. This
new iKxly was created that it might constitute an ad-
visory Chamber to The Emperor on matters of State.
It was understood that that time had been purposely
chosen for its inauguration in order that its deliberations
might be in a special measure concerned with questions
which might ar»e in regard to the National Assembly
and tlie Constitution. The creation of the Council was
regarded with pkasure by the people and its member-
ship, seemed to them a fulfilment of the promise given by
the Emperor to select as his advisers men of ability. The
inaugural ceremony was performed by H.M. The Emperor
in person on May 8. On his appointment as President of
the Privy Council, ltd resigned his position as Minister
President of State, which was taken by Count Kuroda.
Thus did the former continue to concentrate his atten-
tion upon the preparation c^ the Constitution. On May
25, 1888 the draft of the Constitution was laid before
the Privy Council for consideration in the presence of
the Emperor.

An inqportant political even^ occurred on February i,
18S8 in the reconciliation of Count Okuma with his
focmer Colleagues and his re-entry into the Government.
He this time took the portfolio of Foreign Afi&irs. It
was rumeoufed that the consent of the Count to resume
office was obtained oa the basis of the adoption by tlie

400 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japein,

Government of the programme of the KaisJnntd, but the
exact truth did not transpire. This return to office was,
however, welcomed by the organs of the party. . Though
the complaint of lack of suitable leaders was now again
heard among the political parties, no cessation in their
renewed activity was observable. On the contrary, in-
creasing vigour appeared. The Meiji Club was formed
by members of the Kaishintb in the Autumn of 1888,
the Jichi Club of Count Inoue was projected and Vis-
count Torio Koyata founded the Hoshi-chu-sei'td (|5^ ^
^ iE Wk)* Moderate Conservative Party, m the following
winter, his idea being to occupy a position of modera-
tion and independence in politics. . Then we must note
the existence of a str6ng body of Conservatives luider
the name of the Koku-sui ho-zon-to (^ IR^ ^ # Jll)- —
Likewise, not to omit mention of the Liberals, Hoshi
Toru started the Kwanto Kwdi in March 1889.

February 11, 1889 stands out as one of the epoch
marking days in the annals of Japan. On that day th
Constitution was promulgated. His Majesty in
performed the ceremony in the Throne Room of th
new Palace at 10.30 a.m. The function, at which th
writer of this sketch had the honour of being present,,
was most stately and impressive. With a few brief
sentences expressive of the Imperial satisfaction" at
prosperity of the nation, of hope for the future
and of confidence in tlje hearty cooperation "of th
people in the work of Grovernment, tlie Cons'titutio:
of Modern Japan was ushered in. The system is divide
into seven chapters containing seventy six articles whicE^
set forth the Constitutional provisions relating to (l)
The Emperor, (2) the rights and duties of Subjects,: '(3)

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 401

The Imperial Diet, (4) The Ministers of State and the
Privy Council, (5) the Judicature, (6) Finance, and (7)
Supplementary' Regulations. The Japanese Constitution
maintains the form of an absolute Monarchy, for the
Emperor stands Supreme and has reserved to himself
certain rights, such as the issuing of Ordinances for the
putting into operation of laws, of declaring war and
peace, etc. On the other hand the liberty of the subject
is respected, and the right of freedom of speech and
public meeting lind the free exercise of religion within
the limits prescribed by law, are recognized. The
Prussian model is seen to have been copied, but in such
a way as to make the production correspond with the
peculiar circumstances of Japan. At the same time were
issued, as necessary adjuncts to the Constitution, the
Imperial House Law, the Imperial Ordinance concerning
the House of Peers, the Law of the Houses, the Law
of Election of the members of the House of Represent-
atives, and the Law of Finance. The Law for the
Organization of Cities, Towns and Villages, which had
for its purpose the extension of local Self-Govern ment,
took effect on April i, 1889.

In the summer and autumn of i838 Count Got5 made
tours throughout the north eastern Provinces, in order
to impart to the nation his belief in the advantages of
union. His motto was daidd-shd-i^ similarity in great
things, difference in small things. He directed his at-
tack upon the clan system of Government and thus
speedily made his the popular cause. And meetings
were held at Osaka, in Kiushu under the auspices of
the Kiushu Kaishintd, and elsewhere, at which resolu-
tions, in favour of one grand organization were passed.

*• ."".T

V.*f-H

402 Lay : — Tlie BdUical Parties of Japan,

Tlie Daido dan-ketsu ( :^ |l^ M i^) ^hus came into ex-
istciKC as a great unorganized body, the bond of union
between its members being slight and loose. No long
career was in store for it. Though it had its own
organ, the Seiron (|^ |Jt), it was never formally entered
as a political association. The absence of any definite
aims from the first rendered its tenure of life insecure,
and it was sneered at by its detractors as a party with-
out a programme. On May lo, 1889 the Dai-^ dan--
ketsu fell to pieces, its demise being considerably ac-
celerated by the entry of Count Goto, the chief promoter
and leading spirit, into the Cabinet in the preceding
March. The immediate cause of the break-up was
difference of opinion as to whether or not the body
should be formally constituted as a political organization.
On that work the party split. ' The more radical of the
members supported the view adverse to constitution as a
political association and made the cry of hi'Sei-shasetsu
(# WlUlWC) their motto. Of this side Oi Kcntaro
was a warm upholder, and he carried with him Nait6
Roitsu, Arai Shdgo, Saitd Keiji, etc. They seceded
from the Daido danketsu and set up the Daido Kmua
Kwai {%^^ IH^) 21 Society for the promotion of
friendly intercourse between its members. But the
majority of the Daido dan-ketsu held the opinion that they
should form themselves into a proper political association
{sei ska setsu, j^ (t tft)^ So they proceeded to enrol
themselves in a Society with articles of association,
which th:y styled the Daido Club, preserving in its
name the idea of a grand Union. To this section
adhered Messrs. Kono, Inukai, Suehiro, Ueki Imori, Ya-
giwara Hanshi, Kud5 K5kan, Inoue Kakugoro, Inagaki

Lay: — Tlic PoUiical Parties of Japan. 403

Shimesu, ect., and it rcpr«:sented the moderates.
Vigorous efforts were undertaken by Goto and also by
Itagaki to effect a re-union, but for a time they proved
unavailing.

Treaty Revision, that burnini^ question which was in
the forefront of political issues in Japan for so many
years, did more than anything else to discover a common
ground on which all popular j>arties could cast aside
their wrangles and be at one. The longer the negotia-
tions were protracted, the more exacting grew the jxio-
pie's demands. Party politicians began to devote their
minds more particularly to attacks upon the Government
for its policy in regard to the revision of the Treaties.
The groups into which the Daidb danketsii had divided
were brought together again for the time being, by their
desire to defeat any revision programme by which Japan
failed to secure terms of absf lute equality. And the
Nippon Club was created by Marquis Asano, Viscount
Tani and Viscount Miura with identical aims. Many
were the memorials presented, chiefly in favour of the
suspension of the conferences the 1 going on. The climax
to the opposition to the various schemes of revision, and
to that then under consideration, came when Count
Okuma narrowly escaped assas ination in October 1889
on his return to the Foreign Office from a drive. The
negotiations then lapsed for some years, until the time
when they were reopened, and resulted in the first in-
stance in the Revised Treaty between Great Uritain and
Japan of July 16, 1894.

After the abrupt stoppage of the Treaty Revision Con-
ferences, Count Itagaki again tried to exert his influence
to re-form a United Party. But though the \'cteran

404 Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan,

party leader succeeded in lessening the breach between
the opposing factions, union was, for a time at least, out
of the question. Messrs Di Kentaro, Watanabe Kotard,
and their friends wished to revive the defunct Jiyuto^
while members of the Daido Club favoured the revival
of the AikokukotOy and so matters stood towards the end
of 1889 when Osaka became once more the centre of
political activity. Mutual concession still proving un-
attainable, and the mutual jealousies of the various leaders
being found to be in the meantime insurmountable, those
who still followed the banner of the old JiyHto, were
split up into three factions. In January 1890 ih^ Jiyuto
was again established in name,* and it was decided to
re-organize the Aikoku ko-to as a separate body under
Count Itagaki. The latter had fixed its opening
ceremony for the 15th of April in the year just men-
tioned ; but, meeting on that day, merely published its
manifesto, thus leaving the way open for reconciliation.
A Conmiittee representative of the three factions was
shortly appointed to confer, Messrs Kono, Itagaki, Sue-
hiro, Inoue etc. representing the Daido Club ; Messrs
Nishiyama, Shioda, Ishida, etc., the Aihoku koto ; and
Messrs Oi, Aral, etc., the revived Jiyuto. In the end
the Kd-En Qub (^ ^) was established, the Authorities
receiving the requisite notice on the 17th, of June 1890.
In Kiushu a movement was set on foot again in April
to foster a spirit of union and the f Kiushu Doshi Kwcn
an independent local organization did much towards ac-

* Though divided into the Kivauto JiyTt/o led by O-i Kentard and the
A'wansai Jiyuio under the leadershij) of Kobaya-slii Kusuo.

t Its motto being desire for Union with all parties of progressive
principles.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 405

omplishing this object by the despatch of delegates to
he north who interviewed and obtained promises of sup-
ort from Count Itagaki and others of the Jiyuto, like-
/ise from the leaders of the Kaisliintd, A basis for
nion was provisionally found. A Great Meeting of
hose in favour of Union in Kiushu,* was held at Kago-
hima on June 15. Delegates were once more despatch-
id to Tokio, who had interviews with leading men of
ill parties. The Kaishinto also appeared likely to fall
nto line with the others. Some of the principal news-
^pers of the capital such as the Hocki, Kokumin\ Choya^
Yomiuri, supported the scheme with enthusiasm. At
that period, however, the attention of the public was oc-
:upied with the first General election which took place
from the ist, of July f 1890. The election resulted as
Follows —

Independent

69 •

Daido haX

Kaishift to • •••

Aikoku toX

Hoshu to (Conservatives)

Kiushu Shimpo to (an independent

' local progressive organization)...

J »yj€irU ^, ••• ..• *•• ••• *•• •••

Ji-chi to 0 Ji§)

♦ Kiushu Doshi Rengo Tai-kwai.)

t The figures are taken from the Tei-koku Gi-kwai-Shi, which gives
them on the Authority of a certain newspaper at the time, and considers
that they convey the truth approximately. Other publications give a
slight diflference but in the main similar computation. It will be noticed
that there is one member too many, the total being 300.

\ Belonging to the K^ht Club.

^^.JL-'A^

I «

4o6 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of JapaH,

vyillClcllS ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• lo

LJllCvrXairi • • • ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• £

It will be seen from the above how divided up the
various factions were. The Daidd ha had the largest
individual representation, after the independents.

After the elections were over the question of union
resumed its prominence in view of the impotence of the
many factions represented in the Diet should they
remain independent of each other. The active Kiuslm
Doshi Kwai was determined not to let the matter rest
and held a meeting at Fukuoka on the 20th, July iSpo,
with the object of uniting all the parties of progress, and
once more sent representatives to Tokio to assist their
cause. The Tohoku sliichi s/iu kwai (^[ 4b 'b jlW ^)
formed in the seven pro\ inces of the north East by the
amalgamation of those oi' progressive views, likewise met
at Akita on the 26th and came to a decision in favour
of union. But while an impetus was thus being given to
the movement in favour of the formation of a large
popular party from both extremes of the Empire, the
Government deemed it necessary to prevent a reconcilia-
tion which might lead to their finding all political
parties ranged under one banner in opposition. On July
25, 1890 was issued the Law of Public Meetings and
Political Associations, Shu Kwai Sei-sha ltd (^ ^ j^
jtth ifi)- ^^y Article 28 of that law political parties were
forbidden ifiteT alia to establish branch offices or to com-
bine or correspond with other associations of a kindred
nature. A sudden blow was thus dealt to the hopes of
the unionists and it became a question of what was now
the proper procedure to be adopted. The Jiyuto and
KiusliH Doshi Kai at or.ce decided to dissolve as a step

Tjay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 407

towards Union, the Aikokukoto being of the same mind,
but dissolution not being in its case necessary as it had
not been formally constituted.

Conferences now took place between the representatives
of the various parties which had just ceased to have a
corporate existence and those which still retained their old
constitution. On August 12, a meeting was held at the
house of Mr. Kawashima Jun (of Kagoshima) in Hira-
kawacho Kojimachi, Toki5, and attended by Messrs
Nait5 Roitsu, Oi Kentard, Nakae Tokusukc of the old
liyutd\ Messrs Shimada, Takata Sanae, Kato Masano-
suke of the KaiskintOy Messrs Hayashi, Kataoka, Sugita
Teiichi, of the old Aikokttkdto, Messrs Kono Hironaka,
Suzuki Shoji, Oe Taku, of the Daiiid Club, and Messrs
Yamada Buho, Matsuda Masahisa and Kawashima lun
of the old Kiushu Doshikivai, At the same time a Com-
mittee of ten was appointed, including Kono, to consult
regarding the establishment of a new party. On August
17, the Daido Club, whose co-operation had from the
first been doubtful, all at once changed its point of view
and deciding to dissolve, became an ardent advocate of
the views to which it had become converted. The zeal
of the Kaishin-to towards alliance had by this time
cooled, and differences with the Daido Club tended to
increase the estrangement. At a meeting held on
August 25, which was attended by 13 members of the
old Aikoktikdtdy 1 3 of the old JiyTtto, 1 3 of the old Dai-
do Club, 13 of the old Kihshh doshi kiuaiy and by re-
presentatives of the Gumma Kogi Kwai and Kioto Koyii
Kwai at the Atago Kan Shiba, it was decided to form a
party called the Rikken Jiyuto (Constitutional Liberal
Party). On the 15th of September the ceremony of for-

4o8 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

mation took place. They declared themselves to have
at heart liberal principles, respect for the Imperial
House, enlargement of popular rights, relaxation of Gov-
ernmental interference in domestic matters, a repre-
sentative system of Government, party cabinets and
treaties of equality.

A manifesto was issued in lO articles, proclaiming: —

1. That Government business should be rendered
simple and expenditure curtailed.

2. Adjustment of naval and military preparations.

3. Reform of the Educational System.

4. Revision of the Law of Finance and careful super-
vision of national revenue and expenditure.

5. Reform of public debt and of the system under which
Government property was held.

6. Revision of Taxation Laws and reduction of land
tax.

7. Reform of procedure for the protection of private
undertakings.

8. Reform of Local Government and adjustment of
Local Finances.

9. Revision of all laws relating to speech, public
meeting and political association and abolition of
the Peace Preservation Regulations.

10. Revision of the Law of the Houses and the elec-
tion law.
It is noteworthy that the question of party cabinets is
now raised publicly in a most express manner. Briefly,
the other points amount to the reduction of Government
expenditure and taxation, more local self Government
and revision or abolition of laws calculated to restrict
freedom, with alteration of Educational System.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 409

The new association was not looked upon with favour
by the Kaishinto who wished the expression Kaishin, " re-
form," which helped to form their style and title, used in
naming the new amalgamated party. In the end therefore
its members decided definitely to hold aloof from union.

The independent members of the Diet after consider-
able negotiation and discussion resolved on August 20,
upon the formation of their own party which they named
the Taisei Kwai (party of great accomplishments) (^ JSK
'^). Messrs Motoda Hajime, Yoshino Seikei, Oyagi
Kiichird and Sugiura Juz5, Masuda Shigeyuki, Naka-
mura Yaroku belonged to it. This party may be re-
garded as the successor of the Rikken-teisei-kivai and the
predecessor of the Kokumin Kiokivai and Teikoku to. It
was from the first inclined to support the Government
and soon openly took its part. According to the public
declaration, the Taisei Kwai was to preserve a moderate
attitude, being biassed in no direction. Reasoning con-
servatism was practically its motto.

But another and entirely separate association saw the

Jight a few montlis later. Some of the followers of

Count Got5, members of the Nichiyo kwai ( H fl| '^),

just started by (Inagaki Shimesu and 14 others), of the

Genyoslux (^ ^ j|t) of Fukuoka the Dosei kwai (|p] |£

-^) of Saga and of associations at Kumamoto, Oita,

^iyagi, Nagasaki, met at the Dyukwan, Asakusa, Tokio,

on November i, 1890, and decided to establish the

kokumin Jiyuto (H K @ ^ JJI), National Liberal Party.

^^he opening ceremony took place on December 21,

"%vhen Mr. Yoshida Masaharu delivered an address. The

programme laid down was (i.) Expansion of the Navy,

^2.) Reduction of National Expenditure, (3) Reduction of

■. A-S

4IO

Imv : — The Political Parties of Japan.

Land Tax, (4.) Amendment of Law of Conscription. The
Kokumin Jiyuto was regarded with disfavour both by the
Rikken Jiyiito and by the Kaishinto, and it was never a
particularly powerful body.

The Gcnro'In having with the establishment, of the
House of Peers and the House of Representatives ceased
to have a raison d'etre 2SiA was abolished on the 20th of
October 1890.

The long expected opening of the Diet took place on
November 29, 1890. At the ceremony which marked
the occasion His Majesty announced, in a speech which
he read, that all institutions relating to internal administ
ration established since his accession to the throne hai
been brought to a condition approaching completeness
It was hoped to extend the scope of these measures an
to reap good fruit from the working of the Constitution.
* In the House of Peers there were 252 membe
viz : —

Imperial Princes

Princes

Marquises

Counts

Viscounts

Barons

Highest taxpayers..
t Imperial Nominees

252

\\J

. 21

. 15

, 70

. 20

• 45

, 61

* From the A'hoku-n }7fran (Jt ]K ^ S K')

t Selected from the Court Councillors (3), the old memlx'rs of the
n>-/n, (27), the Ivegislalivc Ikircau (2), the Tresident and Professor&>
the Imperial V^niversity (6), Various Government Departments (lO),
rest from among the iv.?ople, (^Meiji Nempio\

-=rs

Lay: — Tlu Political Parties of Japan, 411

The membership of the Lower House under the old
election law was 300. In the election for President of
the Lower House House, the Jiyuto with the factions
supporting them showed that they were in a compact
majority. Mr. Nakajima Nobuyuki (of Kochi), their
candidate, being successful. For Vice-President Mr. Isuda
Mfiinichi, (a celebrated student of Law, who was at one
time a Judge, and a member of the Senate) belonging to
the Taisei kwai obtained election. Now, for the first
time, political parties had the opportunity they had so
long sought of confronting the clan statesmen in a place
where they were more or less at liberty to speak their
xninds. Nor was it long before they came to logger-
Iieads with the government. The fight began, as it has
so often done since then, over money matters. Reduc-
tion of the land tax and of salaries was demanded. The
/iyuto and the Kaishinto were found side by side in op^
position, while the Taiseikivai made common cause with
the Government. A dispute also arose over the condi-
tion to which it was proposed to bring naval and mili-
bary preparations. The Jiyuto^ however, was rent in two
by wrangles, as often before and subsequently. Suehiro
3higeyasu and Inoue Kakugoro, who were noted for their
independence of mind, were expelled from the party, and
Oe Taku (son in law of Count Got5), Takenouchi, Su-
zuki and others seceded. Twenty-nine of the old Aiko-
^usha members, including Messrs Kataoka, Hayashi,
LJeki and others warm supporters of Count Itagaki,
^parated from the party on February 24, 1891; and
[tagaki himself followed their example on the 26th after
Vuitless efforts had been made to smooth matters over,
:>wing to the disorganized state of the party, giving, as

412 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

his reason that he had no part in their counsels. As
regards the difference with the Government, a com-
promise was effected by a reduction of several million
yen from the estimates. From the subsequent action of
the parties, and of the Jiylito in particular, it would
appear that their opposition was actuated more by a de-
sire to place obstacles in the way of the clan Govern-
ment than by any fixed principles. They gave way,
however, before matters reached a climax lest the first
Session of the Diet should be brought to a sudden and
untimely end. So the first united attack in the Diet
upon the Grovernment made by the combined forces of
the Jiyuto and Kaishinto resulted in the main in a vic-
tory for the former.

It was very evident that a reorganization of the Jiyuto
was necessary and steps were immediately taken towards
that end. Itagaki did not keep apart long, and at a
meeting held at Osaka on March 24, 1891, he was
elected President and the words Rikkcn were erased
from the party name, which once again became the
Jiyuto, A declaration was issued on May 29, in which
the programme was set forth to be (i.) Domestic Gov-
ernment to be based on Local Self Government, (2.)
Good faith and friendliness to be the chief aim in foreign
affairs, (3.) Naval and military preparations to be on a
defensive basis, (4.) Financial retrenchment suited to
national resources, (5.) Protections to be chiefly along
lines tending to the public advantage, (6 ) Freedom of
Education, (7) Strengthening the Independence of the
Judiciary, (8) Facilitation of Communication, (9) Exten-
sion of the powers of the legislative.

The Jiyuto then devoted its attention to perfecting its

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 413

organization and extending its influence. Count Itagaki
started shortly afterwards on a tour to the North-East
and delegates were sent to the west.

An important organization appeared in March 1891
called the Kiodo (Union) Club (^ |P1 {ft ^ 135) which
was originated by Messrs Inoue, Suehiro, Oc and Sue-
niatsu. Its component parts came from the Taisci kzuai,
Kokumifi JiyutOy Jichito and Kumamoto Kokkento. The
Club was composed of members of the Diet who were
to take steps for the national progress and the promo-
tion of intercourse between its members. It was meant
to be a support to the Government and steps were
taken to influence popular feeling in its favour by a
campaign throughout the country.

Attempts were again set on foot which resulted in a
rapprochement between the Jiyuto and Kaishinto, The
indefatigable Kiushu Club in the early Autumn met to
endeavour to promote union of parties and Itagaki on
his return from his tour in the N.E. paid a visit on
November 8, to Okuma. In the end, Count Okuma
gave up his post as Privy Councillor on the 12th, and a
large meeting was held on the 17th at the Oyukwan,
Asakusa, attended by members of the Diet representative
of the Jiyuto (72), Kaishinto (37), Unattached (25), in-
cluding Taiseikwai (2), and joint action for the purpose
of presenting a united front to the Government was de-
cided upon. When the Diet met for the second time,
November 21, 1891, the Budget was again selected as
the point of attack and the bills for the establishment of
the Iron Foundry, for the construction of men-of-war, for
the state payment of Prison Expenditure and for the
state purchase of private railways, — all of which, except-

414 Lay : — Ttie Political Parties <f Japan,

ing the last, have by now been passed — were thrown out.
The nature of the attack showed that the opposition was
in the main captious and the co-operation between the
parties leaving no immediate hope of amicable arrange-
ment, the Government ordered the Diet to dissolve on
the 26, December 1891, somewhat lo the surprise and
dismay of the allied opposition (consisting of the five
bodies, the JiyutOy Jiyli Club, Kaishinto Tofftoe Glub and
Dokuritsu Club. This was the first but by no rnean^
the last instance of compulsory dissolution.

The Taisen Kwai dissolved on the date mentioned, be^
cause the majority of the party had ceased to support
the Government, and because of the impending elections.
The Jiyei Club returned to the Jiynto and issued an itppe^l
to the public explanatory of its attitude towards the
Government and inviting the people to judge of its efforts
to lay a solid foundation for constitutional Governments
The second General Election was held from February
15, 1892, and was the occasion of many scenes of
turbulence in all parts of the country, particularly in
K5chi Prefecture no few persons (several hundreds) being
wounded and even killed in local disturbances. By the
people the Government were accused bitterly of inter-
ference in the elections, and this cry was taken up
strongly and used as an instrument wherewith to recom-
mence the struggle with the Government on the re-open-
ing of the Diet.

The opposition parties assisted each other at the ix>lls
and their elected canditatcs were classed by some news-
papers under the general aj^pcllation of the popular party
Min-td (E j^). \Vc also sec that on the other hand
there was a distinct party openly taking the side of the

Lay : — Uie I\}litical Parties of Japan. 415

Government, which was termed the Ri-to (j^ 58R)- The
result of the General Election was : —

.j%yvfo ••• »•• ••• •*• ••• ••• ••• ••• 1 \jKj

ICatshtHtd ••• ••• ••• .« •• 4-^

Govt. Party (Old Taisei kwai etc.) no

Unattached (including supporters of the
United Parties and Govt, supporters). ... 05
The United Parties consequently counted a majority.
After previous separate gathering, they held a joint
meeting on May i, 1892, to prepare for the extra-
ordinary Session of the Diet (Session No. 3.) which was
to begin next day. Hoshi Toru was elected President
of the Lower House on the 2nd and Sone Arasukc,
now Baron and at present Minister of Finance, Vice-
President.

On the 14th the motion that the Government was re-
sponsible for interference in the late elections passed the
House of Representatives, an address to the throne on
the same subject having been rejected two days before.
The violence of the attack made upon the Government
induced the latter on the i6th to suspend the session
for seven days. There was a great commotion and the
fear lest misguided adherents of the opposition parties
might carry the attack beyond the limits of verbal war-
fere led to a large number of Soshi and of sympathizers
with the o^x)sition outside of the House, being ordered
to leave the capital under the Peace Preservation Law
on May 21. The attack made upon Takata Sanae, of
the Yotmuri Shimbun and a prominent member of the
Kaishintdy caused a fresh order for 39 sdshi of P'ukuoka
Prefecture to leave the capital on the 30th. These were
indeed troublous times. On the re-assembling of the

4i6 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan.

members on the 31st the Lower House erased the Ex-
penditure upon men-of-war and a Steel Factory and the
expenditure in connection with the subject of the investi-
gation of Earthquakes. The Upper House manifested
what has since come to be recognized as its habitual at-
titude towards the financial wishes of the other -chamber
by promptly restoring these items. The usual com-
promise was resorted to, the first item being disallowed,
the second passed.

To meet the growing power of the opposition the
Government Association called the Kokumin Kiokwai (H
E ^ '^) (Nationalist Society), successor to the Taisei-
kiuai, was projected, Messrs Watanabe Koki, Sone,
Tsuda etc. took a leading part in the work. A meeting
for organization was held on June 20, 1891.

Marquis Saigo * and Viscount Shinagawa resigned
their ofificial positions as Privy Councillors in order to
be able to become President and Vice-President respec-
tively. The alliance with the Government, however, did
not last long.

On August 8, 1892 a new Cabinet came into power,
headed by Ito, and they took up an attitude of neu-
trality towards the Kokinnin Kiokivai, On November
10, a general meeting was held at which the rules of
the party and the policy were published. But from then
the number of its adherents in the Diet fell off con-
siderably.

Towards the end of 1892 the Domei Club was in-
stituted being composed of old members, of the Taisei-
kzuai and unattached members, including Messrs Kusu-

* (then Count).

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 417

noto Masataka, Nakamura Yaroku,* Kawashima Jun,
Juzuki Juen.

The 4th Session of the Diet was approaching and
here were premonitory signs that it would not fail to
te a stormy one. It met on November 25, 1892. On
anuary 1.7, 1893 ^^c Lower House suspended its sit-
ings for five days of its own accord after having vainly
ndeavoured to persuade the Government to alter their
udgetary proposals for the financial year 1893-94,
/hich were under examination. This was done with the
vowed object of affording the Authorities time for re-
lection. A joint motion impeaching the Government
vas about to be brought in by Messrs Kono Hironaka
:)f the Jiyuto, Inukai Ki of the Kaishinto and Suzuki
uen of the Domei Kwai when an Imperial order was
eceived proroguing the House for 15 da}'s. On its re-
pening on February 7, an address to the throne with
'ference to the Budget, complaining of the action of
e Ministers of State, was passed. A petition was pre-
ttied to the Emperor by Mr. Hoshi Toru, as President,
> resenting the House, on the 8th and His Majesty
>mnised to give it his attention. The sohition of the
>Iz)lem came on the loth when the Emperor issued an
:r furnishing f three hundred thousand yen from the
y Purse towards the expenditure in connection with
building of men-of-war, and providing that one tenth
lid be deducted similarly from all official salaries,
opting, such as might be specially exempted, for six
'5 for the same purpose. Thus the crisis was at an

NOW Governor of Fuloioka Prefecture,
^-^^e tenth of the annual fixed appropriation for tlie exj^endilure of
-*^*iipcrial Household Department.

41 8 Ijay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan.

end, and the Imperial Gift was welcomed by an out-
burst of loyal enthusiasm by the people. For their part
the Ciovemment promised to eflect retrenchment as far
as possible in future, to reform the executive, reduce ex-
penditure and introduce radical reforms into the navy.

This session was also remarkable for the passing of
the amendment of the Law of Public Meetings and As-
sociations whereby a much larger measure of liberty of
public meeting was secured and the rights of political
associations were considerably extended. These reforms
the Representatives had been endeavouring to bring
about for three sessions. Taking advantage of the revi-
sion of the law referred to, the various parties set about
the creation of branches in the Provinces, and prepared
in other ways to build up their strength. Combinations
of political parties were however still forbidden, the
Cabinet fearing to make this further concession in the
existing state of public feeling.

Later in 1893 the Government issued, according to
promise, the reforms in the navy and in official organi-
zation of Government, the former in May and the latter
in October. The Reforms were not deemed satisfactory,
more particularly by the Progressionists. As was pointed
out by the Mainichi Shimbun at the time, they merely
amounted to a certain reduction in expenditure. What
was required was radical re-organization of the administ-
rative system and a change from the Government of the
clans to the Government of the people.

In connection with the problem of Treaty Revision the
matter of mixed Residence had become a burning ques-
tion on the close of the Diet. There had come into ex-
istence in 1892 the Joyaku Kaisei Kcnkiu Kwai (of Mr.

iMy : — The Political Parties of Jap a 71. 419

lloshi and others) the Naichi Zakkio Kokin Kwai (of
Messrs Motoda, Oi others) and the Zakkio Mondai Ken-
^iu Kwai.

In October 1893 a conservative party called the Dai Nip-
J>on Kiokwai {^ 11 4^ t& ^), Japan Society, was formed
^vith opposition to mixed residence as its standard.

The co-operation between the Jiyuto and the Kaishinto
which had at the last session of the Diet been brought
to bear against the Government, soon ceased.

In January 1893 Mr. Hoshi Toru delivered one of his
well remembered speeches in Tokio in which he declar-
ed that the aims of the two parties were divergent and
that there could be no sym[»athy between thens. This
led to mutual recrimination, Mr. Shimada and others
taking up the cudgels for the Kaishinto, The organs of
the two parties also differed as to the results of the
session of the Diet during which they had stood side by
side and the breach widened. But it was not only be-
teen his own party and outsideis that Mr. Hoshi was in-
strumental in creating bad feeling. In the JiyiUo also he
sowed the seeds of dissension. His unpopularity grew
owing owing to the S5ma and other affairs in which his
conduct was subjected to much criticism, and in the end
he himself withdrew his name for a time from its mem-
bership. On December 2 , 1893 some of the Liberals
hostile to Hoshi and not adverse to an understanding
with the Progressionists, including Messrs Haseba Junko,
(representative of Kagoshima) Kikuchi Kuro (representa-
tive of Aomori), Kobayashi Kusuo (reprcntative of Oka-
yama) seceded, and ranged themselves together under
the name of the Doshi Club. They received a warm
welcome from the Progressionists.

420 Tjay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

The 5th Session commenced November 25, 1893 and
the Government found themselves face to face with a
disorganized opposition. Tiie Progressionists and their
allies, the Domei Club, the Doshi Club, the Koktimin
Kiokwai and the Dai Nippon Kidkwai turned their un-
friendly attention to Mr. Hoshi at first rather than to the
Government and succeeded in having him expelled from
the House of Representatives. Mr. Kusumoto was elected
President in his place and Mr. Abei Iwane became Vice-
President. After getting rid of the late President, the
parties in the Diet were able to give all their mind to
finding fault with the actions of the Government. Repre-
sentations with reference to the strict enforcement of the
treaties and concerning the Chishitfia Ravenna case ap-
peared to the Authorities to be of such a nature as to
call for the prorogation of the House. The session was
accordingly suspended for ten days from the 19th of
December ; but as the members were found to be in no
more conciliatory mood on its reassembling, suspension
for fourteen days more was then ordered. On the 30th,
however, the House of Representatives was dissolved.

March i, 1894 was the time of the 3rd General Elec-
tion. It resulted as follows : —

fiyuto

• • • ...

• • •

...

120

Kaishinto

... ...

• • •

...

Kokumin Seisha

{Kokitmin

Kioki

wai)

Doshi Seisha,,,

... ...

. • . .

...

Domei Seisha

... ...

...

Seimnchosha ...

... ...

...

Dai Nippon Kiokivai ...

...

Unattached and

uncertain

...

• • .

The Jiyuto still continued antagonistic to the Kaishintd

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 421

ind their allies, styled commonly the Roppa (/^JS)i * six
;ions. An inclination to take the side of the Govcrn-
xnent was observable on the part of the Jiyuto, while the
^Dthers remained bitterly hostile and showered abuse upon
their quondam friends for their desertion. Hoshi Toru
^returned to his own party on May 4. With regard to their
political opponents, the Doslii Club amalgamated with
'the Domei Club, forming the Kodo Club. This again
^vas transformed into the Rikken Kakushinto (jjc ,^ U? iUf
THj) Constitutional Reform Party, on May 3, 1894. The
leading spirits were Kusumoto Masataka, Kawashima
Jun, Suzuki Juen, Nakamura Yaroku, Kodokokan, Ohi-
gashi Gitetsu. The Kaishinto. succeeded in forming a
coalition of various leading newspapers Hochi, Chuo,
Nippon^ YoMturi, Mainichi, Shin Choya, largely through
the efforts of Mr. Tokutomi lichiro of the Kokumin
Shimbun, This combination was regarded by its friends
as sounding the death knell of clan Government, by the
Jiyuto as an attempt to retard their own growing in-
fluence. On April 22, 1894 Messrs Inukai and Takeno-
uchi of the Chugoku Shimpo tOy Sasa Tomofusa and
Ooka Ikuz5 of the Kokuniin Kioktvai, Shudo Rikuzo and
Takaki Seinen of the Kaishinto, Suzuki Juen, Ohigashi.
Gitetsu, Kodo K5kan of the Kodo Club, Abci Ivvane,
Komuchi Tomotsune, Oi Kentaro, VVakabara Kanzui, of
the Dai Nippon Kiokwai, Viscounts Shimazu, Tani and
Soga of the Peers, and United Newspaper editors, such
as Suehiro Shigeyasu of the Choya, Kuga Minora of the
Nippon, Tokutomi lichiro of the Kokumin, Koizuka of the

* Kaishinfb, Dbshi Club, Donui Q\yj\^, Koktimin Kidhv(u\ Seimnchosa hay
Dai N^pon Kiokwai.

422 iMy : — The Political Parties of Japan.

Mainichi, with Oliashi Sahei of the Haktibiinska, etc.,
met at tlic Maple Club, Shiba, in demonstration of their
desire for a national union of parties against clan Gov-
vernment. In May further meetings were held of those
in sympathy with the movement and resolutions were
passed in favour of responsible cabinets and a strong for-
eign policy.

The 6th Session of the Diet assembling May 12, 1894
in a way met with a repetition of the experience of its
predecessor. Attacks upon the Cabinet for its foreign and
domestic policy brought about a dissolution on June 2.

Now we come to one of the most crucial periods in
the history of Japan. \V?ir with China was declared on
the 1st of August 1894, and the stern realities of a for-
eign struggle put a stop to domestic jealousies and con-
flicts, and united the whole nation. Activity was directed
from home politics to foreign affairs and the result was
that the cabinet had a comparatively free hand in dealing
with the difficulties comfronting it, and in the end
proved of longer duration than any other cabinet which
went before or followed.

The parties soon showed their determination that party
strife should not interfere with national needs and that
the country must present a united front to the enemy
and took steps to show themselves in absolute accord
with the Government on the subject.

The announcement of the solution of the weary pro-
blem of Treaty Revision being in sight owing to the
signature of the Anglo-Japanese Treaty on July 16, 1894
also removed a great cause of quarrel between the Gov-
ernment and the party men.

The 4th General election took place on September i,

• • • •

• • • • ■

ty) ...

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 423

4. The result was unfavourable to the JiyiitOy the re-
s being as follows : —

Jiyuto

Kaishinto

Kakiishinto

Kokumin Kiokwai

Zaisei Kakushin-kwai

Chugoku Shimpoto

Unattached (strong party)

„ (moderate)

^ Declaration was made in October by the Jiyuto to

effect that in spite of many points of divergence of

ion, the Government might count upon their support

the other parties changed their attitude of opposi-

So the 7th Session of the Diet, an extraordinary

which was opened, at Hiroshima, October 15, 1894,

^jmoto being President and Shimada, Vice-President,

rie House of Representatives, was remarkable for its

dimity. By a unanimous vote on October 20, cxtra-

:iary military expenditure to the amount of one

:3lred and fifty millions o{ yen was sanctioned.

lie war still continuing, the 8th Session of the Diet

likewise characterized by absence of strife and a

^mination to carry through the weighty business on

X. It was called on December 22, 1894 in Tokio

closed formally on the 27th of the following March.

^March 20, 1895 *he Treaty providing for a cessation

hostilities was concluded and on April 17, the war

China, which had raised the position of Japan to a

' place among the nations, came to an end.

tie attitude of the Jiyuto towards the Government

showed signs of continued improvement owing to

424 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

their support of the post bellum programme, and t
transfer of Mr. Hoshi Toru to Korea, as Adviser to t
Peninsular Government, took out of the way a ni
likely to hinder an understanding between the party a
those in power. By degrees the changed position tak
up by the Jiyuto manifested itself more and more.

In May 1895 their manifesto proclaimed that th
would not needlessly attack the Govenmient, though
was exhorted to carefulness.

On July 17, 1895 a meeting of (parliamentary meni
of the Jiyuto was held and the new platform of the paK*
was determined as follows : —

1. The party was absolutely opposed to non-co
slitutional methods, bearing in mind the Imperii
desires regarding the Constitution, and would labo
for the perfect completion of a Constitutional f<>«"
of Government.

2. Japan must not be content with the thought thi
she was the only strong Power in the East, \y
must take her place among the Powers and alo
with them preserve the peace of the world.
party should devote itself to the task.

3. Reform and Expansion of the navy and at
same time increase and perfection of the army ^
be aimed at.

4. Encouragement and development of navigati^^
commerce, colonization, agriculture, industry, et^^- *
to be laboured for.

5. Although the party had its own ideas about soiiircrc^
of revenue, financial matters to be entrusted as ^^^
as might be to the Authorities and sanction or* f C'
fusal to be given to them after due consideratii.o0'

Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan, 425

^- By restriction of needless expenditure, national

finances to be placed on a secure basis.
7- The Retrocession of the Liaotung peninsula was

indeed regrettable, but this was certainly not the
time for quarrelling, and thereby erring in great
matters of state, but plans for the future were
urgently required, so the party would labour for
public rather than private ends in company with
those of identical aims, in accordance with the
dictates ot true patriotism.
^- Korean independence to be placed on a firm

foundation, its future necessitating much anxiety.
we have more than the platitudes we have been
'^'^^t:omed to expect from political parties in Japan.
*^^iric:t issues are to be found set forth and we can see
^^^^•"ly what the party have in their mind.

"^^ further declaration was issued on November 22,
"^"^^ying that an understanding had been come to with
^ Crovemment with whom the JiyJUo would work to-

in future.

declarations were confirmed at a General Meeting
On December 15.

^ antagonism felt by the six factions towards the

^ was accentuated by its becoming for the time be-

^ ^ <iuasi Government party. By them official action

^^garded with a much less lenient eye. On June

. ^^'^^mbers of the Kaishintd, Kokumin Kiokwai, Kaku*

. ^'^^ Chugoku Shimpoto Zaisei Kakushin Kwai, Cliuo

^'^S'io Kwed met at the Atago Kwan, and constituted

^ ^"^ Selves an association of political friends in sympathy

^ each other, Seiyu Yushi Kzvai (J5[ ^ ^ ^\ ^), with

^^^^w to fixing Governmental responsibility for the re-

426 iMy : — The Political Parties of Japan,

trocession of the Liaotung peninsula at the invitation <^^
Russia, France and Germany. Some few of the JiyJif^
members joined themselves to this company. From the
various allied groups opposed to the Government the
Doshi Kivai (fp) ,"^> '^) was formed and ft drew up 3
statesment in 13 articles which was agreed to on Sept-
ember 9, setting forth its principles. Thus great activity
was displayed in the endeavour to fix the responsibility
upon the Cabinet for what was deemed to be a national
disgrace.

On December 25, 1895 commenced the 9th session of
the Diet, and the opponents of the Government lost no
time in seizing the opportunity they had been impatiently
waiting for. A bill of impeachment was introduced into
the House of Representatives on January 9, 1896, but
was rejected by 170 to 103 votes. The impotence of
the opposition was thus at once manifested and made
more apparent than ever the need for strengthening the
bonds of union. On the same day supporters of the
anti-Government parties held a meeting at the Koyu
Kwan. The Kakushinto made up their minds on the
i6lh to despatch delegates to approach the several fac-
tions with the aim of amalgamation. At a Meeting held
at the Imperial Hotel, T6ki5, on January 18 union of
parties inimical to the Jiyuto under a new name was de-
cided upon. The Kokuvdn Kidkwai, however, which,
originally founded as an official support, had for some
time cooperated heartily in bitter opposition, had recently
showed vacillation and a desire to hold back. So on
the 19th its parliamentary representatives declined to have
anything to do with the scheme for uniting. At the
same time they renewed the attack upon the Govern-

Lay : — The Political Parties of fapaiu 427

ilient by bringing in a motion of want of confidence on
February 15, a step which led to the suspension of the
session for ten days. During the interv'al Viscount Shi-
Hrigawa exerted his influence with his party, successfully,
to induce them to moderate their zeal ; and on the re-
assembling of the Chamber the motion was withdrawn.
The ninth session of the Diet therefore presented a con-
tinuous record of defeat for the ** strong foreign policy "
side.

The movement towards union w^ent on rapidly, Messrs
Inukai, Ozaki, Taguchi, Shimada, Suehiro, Taketomi,
Takata Sanaa, Takeuchi and others evincing active in-
terest in it. On the 20th of February a resolution was
passed at a meeting held at the Kinki Kwan, Kanda, in
favour of the dissolution of all popular parties and the
formation of one large political association, for the pur-
pose of eflFecting a change of Cabinet and the taking of
office by responsible Ministers. The result was that the
Shimpoto (j^ ^ JH), Progressive Party, was actually con-
stituted on Match i. It was an amalgamation of the
Kaishinto, of which it counted ^{\,y one adherents in the
House of "Representatives, the Kakushitita, with thirty
three parliaihentary representatives, the Ote Club, six,
CJiugoku Slmnpoto, five, the Zaisei Kakushin Kzvai, with
three, and also had in its ranks five independent mem-
bers. Their principles were set forth to be progress, the
upholding of the dignity of the Imperial House and en-
largement of the happiness and rights of the people.

Nor did ^their declaration differ much, except in the
matter of insistence upon cabinet responsibility from most
of the public utterances of all parties from the time of
their inception. They demanded (i.) Reform of Admiii-

4^8 Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan.

istrative abuses and the establishment of responsible
cabinets, (2.) reform of foreign policy and extension of
national rights, (3.) adjustment of the finances and de-
velopment of the undertakings of the people.

By virtue of the understanding which then existed be-
tween the Government and the Jiyuto^ the post-bellum
programme was sanctioned and military and naval ex-
pansion was taken up. The 9th Session of the Diet
was a memorable one and many projects of the highest
importance were set on foot at that time.

In reward for the support of his party Itagaki was
on April 14, 1896 admitted into the cabinet as Min-
ister for Home affairs. Mr. Hoshi Tom went as En-
voy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the
United States.

Not to be outdone by the Jiyuto in the struggle for
influence in the Councils of the State, the Shintpoto
came to an understanding with some of the Satsuma
Statesmen.

On the resignation of the Ito ministry the Matsukata-
Dkuma cabinet came into power.

The two great cries at the time were Jinsai Toyo
(selection of men of talent) and Giosei Seiri (administra-
tive adjustment), and party influence was found useful
in helping candidates for oflfice.

The Sliimpoto held a large meeting on November i,
and announced that the policy of the Government did
not differ greatly from that of themselves and that they
would try to see it carried out. In case of failure on
the part of the Government to give effect to it, they
would^ be found in active opposition.

The loth Session of the Diet opened on 22 Decern-

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 429

Ijer, 1896 and the new party showed their strength in
the House of Representatives by electing Mr. Hato-
yama Kazuo to succeed Mr. Kusumoto, upon whom the
title of Baron had been conferred, as President of the
Chamber.

The period during which the Shimpoto took ^ides
with the Government proved a time of trouble and
disunion for the Jiyuto. In January 1897 a tendency
to split up into small factions was manifested. Shigeno
Kenjiro and six others left and grouped themselves to-
gether under the appellation of the Teiyu Club (T S)-
On February 28, the Shinjiyutb, (new Jiyuto) was formed
by deserters from the Jiyuto, Many were the defcct-
tions from the old party about this time and they com-
prised Kono Hironaka. Count Itagaki himself resigned
his position as President on March 19. Bando Kangord
and 8 others formed the NicfUyo Kivai ( H ffi '^). The
Kokumin Kiokivai also experienced losses in January,
Messrs Sasaki Sh5z6 and six others leaving to start
the Kokumin Club, Then the business men, of whom
more and more is being heard in political matters, in-
cluding Messrs Ban Naosuke, Matsumoto Jutaro, Kimura
Seitaro, Ozaka Zennosuke, and Hara Zenzaburo, originat-
ed the Doshi Club (pj J^). To give an idea of the
various factions as represented in the Diet early in 1897
the Jimfnin published the following figures : —

Menil>ers.

Jiyuto 88

Shimpoto

Kokumin Kiokivai . .
Gi'in Club ... ..
Doshi **

25
21

430 Lay }—T/te Political Parties of Japan,

Skin Jiyuto ... ... ; 9

Nichiyokwai ......' 9

Kokntnin Club 8

Kaknshin ** • S

Unattached 7

299'

(which leaves one member unaccounted for).

With \\\z Autumn of 1897, however, the question. ^*

increasing the taxation and, in particular, the land tr^*-^'
became a great point at issue between the Governnm
and the parties. The Shimpoto esF>eciHlly took up a
solute stand against taxation, which led in tlie end to 'l::*^^
severance of connection between that party and the Qr<^^'
ernment. - •

On October 22, 1897 the Shimpoto passed the follc:>'^^**
ing resolution under four heads, calling for : —

1. The removal of discordant dements from tl^^
Cabinet and their replacement by members ^'
identical syn>pathies, to render that Body sXxoT^Z
and united.*

2. Revision of the Budget. Restriction of non-urg^^*"*^
expenditure.

3. Alteration of policy in the Government of Formo^^*
and reform of administrative abuses there.

4. Reform of non-constitutional acts and perfecting' ^
the working of constitutional Government.

On the 28th the Premier replied in a memorandum ^^
the effect that outside interference would not be permitt^*^

* Accvirdiiv^ to some accounls they also desired that . puuishment sho**
be meted out to the President of the Boaid of Audit for his allc^J'^*^
illegal rcninval of menihers.

Lay: — Tlie Political Parties' of Japan, 431

in the appqintment or removal of Cabinet Mini'steris or
with regard to the conduct of the administration.

On the 31st of October at a meeting of the Standing
Committee, the Shimpoto decided, as the result of their
negotiations with Count Matsukata, that the Government
had no real intention of fulfilling their pledges, judging
by their action in the past, and that they would decline
to continue to work hand in hand with them. The
officials who had obtained their posts as party men,
chosen from the ranks of the Shimpoto^ gave them up
in November, and Count Okuma resigned the portfolio of
Agriculture and Commerce on the 9th of the same month.

Opposition to the Government likewise tended to re-
unite the oft'shoots of the Jiylito, and the * Kodo Kwai
was formed by the fusion of the Shin Jiyutb, Kohimin
Club and Churitsu Club under the leadership of Viscount
Takashinia.

This feeling of antagonism to the taxation measures of

the Cabinet spread, and the representatives of the Kohi-

inin Kiokwai called upon the Premier in November to

resign. Both the Shimpoto and Jiyuto passed resolutions

of want of confidence in December.

Other Associations such as the Jitsugib dbslii Club also
showed openly their intention to attack the Government.

Thus the prospect of a quiet nth .Session was remote.

The Diet was summoned on December 21, 1897. On

the 24th the Gwernment introduced Bills providing for

increased taxation and projects of law preparatory to the

coming into force of the Revised Treaties.

But the collision came on the 25th when, upon the
Lower House changing the order of the Day to admit

♦ Dissolved on February 20, 1898.

r .
■ • !•

M *-»

/^ir

._/;&• i^/^^'^^ >^^^>^ ^/ /tf/<»«.

. *-^« n/* a motion of want of confidence.
of the introduction ot a

c i:,ziin!ution was pronounced as soon as the
sentence of dti>soiui r

reading of it iiad been completed.

In the fsLce of this vigorous attack from the parties
acting hi combination, the Cabinet felt constrained to place
their resignations in the Emperor's hands. They accord-
ingly did so on December 28, 1897.

Then followed a brief time of difficulty in the genesis
of a Cabinet. Marquis Ito, who was recognized univer-
sally to be the only man who could at the moment pro-
perly step into the breach, came forward on January 12,
1898 and accepted the responsibility.

The leaders of the Sliimpoto and JiyTUd would have
been valuable auxiliaries. An attempt was made to in-
duce Count Dkuma to accept a portfolio, but it was
frustrated by the Shimpoto who declared against any co-
operation between him and Marquis ltd. Similarly it
proved impossible to induce Count Itagaki to enter the
cabinet and lend the Government the weight of his in-
fluence with his party.

With the Jiyuto, however, negotiations still proceeded,
though they fell through a few months later when the
party openly went into opposition.

Another Greneral Election, the 5th, took place on the
15th March 1898. The returns gave (from Kenseito

Jiyiito and their Sympathizers ... 99

Koktwtin Kiokivai Supporters ... 32

Old Kodb Kwai 4

Unattached 8

•Government
Supporters.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 433

Shimpofo and Supporters 105)

Seiyukivai 7

Old Kbdo ha 7

* 7"^//^^;/ Z^J;//«*(North Eastern Union 2
Unattached 9

Opposition.

1 30 J

Old Dbshi Kwai 4

Unattached 23

27J

Independent.

Period 3.

The period of greatest influence of political parties.

We now come to a time wlien the influence of political
parties has been most clearly demonstrated and when
they have actually realized their long cherished dream,
a party Cabinet.

At a General Meeting of Parliamentary Representatives
of the Jiyuto held on April 18, a definite decision to
have nothing to do with the Ito Cabinet was announced.

The party had been willing to support that Cabinet on

the understanding that it was founded upon a basis of
party. But the promises made on entering upon oflfice
had not been fulfilled and the post bellum programme
liad not been adhered to. So the way for a rapproche-
rnent between the parties under a common flag of
hostility to the Government was paved. Party meetings
lield in May all passed resolutions of opposition, except-
ing the Kokumin Kijkwai.

The assembling of the 12th Session of the Diet took
place on May 14, 1898. Kataoka Kenkechi was again

* Founded by Kono Hironaka in the latter part of 1S97.

432 iMy : — The Political Parties of fapan,

of the introduction of a motion of want of confidence,

sentence of dissolution was pronounced as soon as tlu. .

reading of it had been completed.

In the face of this vigorous attack from the |iartifv= ^ ^

acting in combination, the Cabinet felt constrained to plar* »^ ^— .

their resignations in the Emperor's hands. They accord-
ingly did so on December 28, 1897.

Then followed a brit;f time of difficulty in the genesfc
of a Cabinet. Marquis Ito, who was recognized unive
sally to be the only man who could at the moment prc=- _:^ — 0
perly step into the breach, came forward on January t " ^2

1898 and accepted the responsibility.

The leaders of the Shimpoto and Jiyuto would ha
been valuable auxiliaries. An attempt was made to i
duce Count Dkuma to accept a portfolio, but it
frustrated by the Shimpoto who declared against any < ^y

operation between him and Marquis Ito. Similarly \i

proved impossible to induce Count Itagaki to enter an ~he
cabinet and lend the Government the weight of his
fluence with his party.

With the Jiyuto^ however, negotiations still proceecS.
though they fell through a few months later when
party openly went into opposition.

Another General Election, the 5th, took place on
.15th March 1898. The returns gave (from Kem^*
Sho-shi.),

Jiyuto and their Sympathizers ... 99

Kokumin Kibkwai Supporters ... 32

Old Kodo Kzvai 4

Unattached 8

:he

143

•Governnm
Suppoi

Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan, 433

Shimpofo and Supporters 105I

Seiyukwai 7

Old Kodo ha 7

* 7c;A^^Z^J//?«'(North Eastern Union 2
Unattached ... 9

Opposition.

1 30 J

Old Ddshi Kwai 4

Unattached 23

27J

Independent.

Period 3.

The period of greatest influence of political parties.

We now come to a time when the influence of political
parties has been most clearly demonstrated and when
they have actually realized their long cherished dream,
a party Gibinet.

At a General Meeting of Parliamentary Representatives
of the Jiyutd held on April 18, a definite decision to
have nothing to do with the Ito Cabinet was announced.

The party had been willing to support that Cabinet on

the understanding that it was founded upon a basis of
party. But the promises made on entering upon office
had not been fulfilled and the post bellum programme
had not been adhered to. So the way for a rapproche-
ment between the parties under a common flag of
hostility to the Government was paved. Party meetings
held in May all passed resolutions of opposition, except-
ing the Kokumin KiDkwai.

The assembling of the 12th Session of the Diet took
place on May 14, 1898. Kataoka Kenkechi was again

' * Founded by Kono Hironaka in the latter part of 1S97.

434 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

President and Motoda Hajime once more filled the office
of Vice-President.

Bills for increased taxation as well as a revised Law
of Elections and revised Civil Code were introduced, and
it was not long before the parties came to loggerheads
with the Government.

Questions proposed independently by the Shimpdto and
the JiyTito with regard to foreign affairs elicited replies
which the members deemed crude and apart from the
point. On the 30th of May, in consequence, a motion
of impeachment was brought in, but rejected by the
small majority of six votes.

With a view, if possible, to inducing tlic Represent-
atives to reconsider their position, and to give them time
for more mature deliberation concerning the Increased
Land Taxation Bills, the Session was suspended for 3
days from June 7.

On the day of Suspension a meeting was held by sup-
porters of the two large parties not members of the
Lower House (at the house of Hiraoka Kotaro, who ex-
erted Ijimself strongly to bring about Union), at which
the project of Union was mooted ; and it was decided to
take measures in order that common cause might be
made against the Government.

This was another step towards the great amalgamation
brought about, directly, by antagonism to increased taxa-

• • •

tion, which came about shortly afterwards.

The majority in the Lower House still proving ob-
durate in the matter of the Land Tax Bill, a sudden stop
was put to tlie proceedings by the dissolution of the Diet
on June 10. This stirred the popular parties to renewed
effort. Hitherto it had been customary, when one party

Ijay : — The Political fhrtics of Japan, 435

as friendly to the Government, for the other to be
►und acting in opposition, but now they came to the
Dnclusion that they could, together, succeed in substitut-
ig constitutional, as they termed it, for clan Government.

Rapid was now the current of events towards union.

On the day following the dissolution a second meeting
ttended by representatives of the Jiyutb and Skimpoto
00k place, and a definite arrangement was concluded.
Messrs Kuribara of the Jiyuto and Takenouchi of the
shimpotj were appointed to draw up a declaration and
ules. Counts Itagaki and Dkuma accepted the invitation
ddressed to them to enter the party about to be
Drmed. On the 21st the Jiyuto, Shimpoto, and also the
Doshi Club dissolved. The first two made a declaration
o the effect that, having taken into careful consideration
he condition of affairs, both at home and abroad, they
lad, in order to bring about the full completion of
Constitutional Government, dissolved and joined with
parties having identical aims ; and they would unite
nto one great party, and work together for the cause they
lad Sit heart. Formal Coiistitutlon of the new Party, to
vhich the name Kenseito, (StftjR) of (Constitutional Party),
vas given, was effected on June 22, at a meeting at the
Jhintpmiza, Hiraoka delivered an address, he having con-
inued earnest in the endeavour to bring about Union,
md a meeting subsequent to that of the nth having for
hat purpose been held at his house. Kataoka being in
he chair, Messrs Ohigashi Gitetsu, Ozaki Yukio, Ma-
suda Masahisa, Hayashi Yuzo were nominated a Com-
littee in charge of general business. Messrs Minoura
Latsundo, Kuribara Rioitsu, Takenouchi Seishi, Ito Dai-
achi, Furihata Mototaro were elected Party Managers.

43^ Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

The declaration published ran, roughly, as follows: — It is
about lO )'ears since the Constitution was promulgated
and the Diet opened. As many as five times has the
I^iet been dissolved and Constitutional Government has
not yet become an accomplished fact, nor is the in-
fluence of political parties greatly felt. Thus agreement
and co-operation between the Government and the people
is [)revented by the firm establishment of the remaining
evils of the Government, and Public Business is delayed
to the great regret of all lovers of their country. Hav-
ing taken into careful consideration the condition of
affairs both at home and abroad, the Jiyuto and Shimpoto
have in order to bring about the full completion of con-
stitutional Government, decided to dissolve and together
unite in forming a great party of persons in sympathy
with each other.

The principles of the Kcnseito were laid down as
follows :—

I. Reverence for the Imixiriil House and maintenance
of the Constitution.
. 2. Party cabinets and fixing of (ministerial) responsi-
bility.

3. Development of local .self- Government and restric-
tion of interference from, the Central Authority.

4. Protection o{ national rights and extension of com-
merce and trade.

5. Finances to be placed on a firm basis and balance
of accounts to be preserved.

6. Inter-Conununication between national and foreisrn
finances and development of national resources.

7. The army and na\y to be proportioned to national
needs.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 437

8. Speedy creation and completion of means of trans-
port and communication.

9. Spread of Education and encouragement of tech-
nical instruction.

The fixing of ministerial responsibility and party
cabinets were the leading points. With such objects
alone forming the chief basis of its foundation, and so
many members formerly unfriendly to each other, all
eager for office, it lacked the elements of lasting cohe-
sion. The Government vanquished and yielding to all
demands and office thrown open to political aspirants,
then would inevitably come competition for place, be-
coming ever more bitter, with final disorganization and
disruption.

The minds of the elder statesmen were at this juncture
exercised as to whether or not it was expedient to have
a party upon which the Government could rely. It was
the idea in some quarters that the Kokuniin Kiokivai,
the Jitsugioha^ the Chikashuseiha and * YainasJiita Club
might form the nucleus of an organization upon which
the cabinet could rely in its conflict with the Kenseito,
Owing, however, to the wish of some of the elders to
keep aloof entirely from party entanglements, the project
was abandoned. In the presence of His Majesty the
Emperor a Conference was held at the Palace on June
24, Marquises Ito, Saigd, Yamagata, and Oyama, and
Counts Inouc and Kuroda being present. A discussion
took place as to the advisability of forming a Govern-
ment party and as to the application of the constitution
to the Lower House, and led it was said to an estrange-
ment between Marquis Ito and Yamagata which lasted

* Formed by the Independent Members of the Diet on May 7, ,1898.

43 8 Ijny .-^ — Tlie Political Parties of Japan,

for a long time. The former was in favour of a Gov-
ernment Party, but was unable to carry out the project
owing to disagreement on the part of his colleagues.
He accordingly saw no help for it but to resign and
make way for the new party.

The conference was followed on the morrow by a
general resignation of the cabinet.

The course was now clear for the construction for the
first time of a Cabinet on purely party lines.

Marquis Ito lost no time in communicating with
Counts Okuma and Itagaki and inviting them to take
the place vacated by himself They consented, and after
consultation with the General Commissioners of the Ktn-
seito, the portfolios were distributed as follows on June
30, 1898:—

FIRST PARTY CABINET.
{Kcfiseitd,)

Vremic!r, and Minister for Foreign Affairs,

Count Okuma, formerly of the..... Sfd$npatd

Home Minister, Count Itagaki, formerly

of the Jiyi^to

Financial Minister, Matsuda Masahisa, for-
merly of the J^nUd

Minister of Communications, Playashi Yu-

zo, formerly of the Jiyuto

Minister of Agriculture and Commerce,

Oishi Masami, formerly of the Skimpotd

Minister of Justice, Ohigashi Gitetsu, for-
merly of the "

Minister of Education, Ozaki Yukio, for-

merlv of the "

luty : — TItt MUical Parties of Japan. 439

Four of the Ministers were members of the House of
l^epfesentatives. This is the first time that any member
of the Lower House has been inchided in the Cabinet.

A few days previous to the formation of the first
Party Cabinet, the progress made poUtically, and the more
sober frame of mind in which politics were considered
was marked by the abolition of the Ho-an Jo-rei, Peace
Preservation Regulations (By Imperial Ordinance of June
24, 1898). This was one of the signs of the growing
strength of that policy which had succeeded in the preced-
ing Session in passing the project of law. Party men were
also appointed Vice-Ministers of several of the Depart-
ments, and many other posts, such as that of Chief
Secretar>' to the Cabinet, Chief of Police, Departmental
CouiKillor, Local Governor, etc. were bestowed upon ad-
herents of the Kenseito. At this time what was ironical-
ly termed riokwan netsn, feverish hunting for office, was
prevalent.

The transfer of powjr from the clan statesmen to the
representatives of the people was hailed with great re-
joicing. It was looked upon as a great step in the
political progress of Japan and was even termed a second
Restoration.

Not only, however had the first Party Cabinet to con-
tend against the enmity of statesmen experienced for
thirty yeiirs in the administration, but internal dissensions
rent it in twain.

The imperfect cohesion of the Jiyuto and the Shimpoto
and the diffii^ulty of preserving the balance of power,
which led to mutual jealousies, soon occasioned the
downfall of the Cabinet. At the General Election of
August 10, 1898 the two parties competed with each

440 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

other, notwithstanding their alliance. This, the sixth
election passed off quietly. The result was as follows : —

Shiinpofj 112

Jiyutd 9^

Independent (Supporting the Kenseito) 5 i

Total Government Supporters 259

Kokitmin Kiokivai 20

Independent 21

Total Government Opponents 41

From the time of the formation of the C:ibinct there
has been constant friction among the ^linisters. More-
over the House of Peers was dead against the idea of a
Party Cabinet and had to be reckoned with. The fact
that the Ministers of War and Marine were not party
men was also a thorn in the side of the majority. The
holders of the other portfoh'os were not long allowed
to remain undisturbed in the exercise of their functions.
The Vice-Minister of Justice also was made the object of
accusation on the ground that he had been concerned
in interference in the elections, and was allowed to resign.

But it was the uproar raised by a reference to Japan
as a possible Republic, no doubt without the slightest
intention of criticising the existing regime, made by Mr.
Ozaki Yukio in a public speech on August 30, which
was the direct cause of the break-up. The Minister of
Education was in the end compelled to resign, which lie
did on the 24th of October. Mr. Inukai Ki, of the
ShimpotOy was advanced to the post of Minister of Edu-
cation. Now came the crisis.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 441

To this step the Jiynto objected, as they wished to
5>ee the portfolio held by one of their own nominees, or,
as an alternative, desired the Forei<^n Office to be given
to them. At the Cabinet Council held for the discussion
of the appointment on the 26th the impossibility of re-
conciling the two sides showed that the Kcnseito was on
the verge of disruption. The appointment of Inukai was
announced on October 27. Two days later Itagaki, Ha-
yashi and Matsuda resigned and their example was
followed by the Vice-Ministers and other high officials
nominated by the old JiyutD. The Shimpoto faction was
approached on the subject of dissolving the Kenseitd, but
rejected the idea. A sudden decision to dissolve, at-
tributed to the agency of Mr. Hoshi Torn, was arrived
at by a meeting attended by Jiyuto Representatives on
the 29th, and a new Kcnseito was forthwith started. Its
principles were declared to be the same as those of the
old Kenseito, Messrs Kataoka, Ebara, and Hoshi became
General. Commissioners, being afterwards joined by Baron
Sueraalsu. ^ The Shimpoto branch, taken aback, met oh
the 30th and again on Novemcer i, when they decided
to style themselves Kcnsei honto (Original Constitutional
Party). On November 3, the Kensci honto was formally
constituted, Messrs Suzuki Jijen, Hiraoka K6tar5, Kudo
Kokan, Di Kentaro, Kono Hironaka, being the General
Commissioners. Its programme too was identical with
that of the old Kenseito.

On the 31st Count Okuma resigned.

Thus expired the short lived Party Cabinet.

But during its existence it had instituted a system of
reforms in various Departments, differentiating political
from business officials, partly with the view of facilitating

442 iMy : — The PbHiical Parties of Japan,

the employment in Government Departments of men who
had rendered service to their party. In addition, a de-
crease was effected in the number of officials and the
salaries of those of lower rank were raised.

On the 8th of November a new Cabinet under the
Premiership of Marquis Yamagata was gazetted. It ap-
peared at the outside to be their wish to have no con-
nection with any political party, but it was early per-
ceived that such an attitude would be incompatible with
a peaceful session.

Although the Kensci honto comprised a majority in
the Lower House, the attention of the Government was
rather turned towards the Kenseito, The Premier had a
meeting with Count Itagaki a day or two after entering
upon office when negotiations for an understanding were
opened. Through the exertions of the latter, aided by
Messrs Hoshi and Kataoka, an understanding was enter-
ed into with them. So shortly afterwards the Kenscitj
made a public announcement on November 29, stating
that as the Government were in accord with the views
held by the party, they nu'ght rely upon their sqpport
and the two together would labour side by side for the
welfare of the nation and the perfecting of Con-
stitutionalism. On November 30, Marquis Yamagata by
invitation received the Ministers and the leaders and
many of the rank and file of the party at his official re-
sidence, and made a declaration of the existence of a
state of Government co-operation with the Kenseiid, By
this action the party showed their recognition of the
fact that the time was not yet ripa for a purely party
Cabinet and that the Klder Statesmen were still in-
dispensable.

Im)' :—T/ie Political /It/ firs of Japan. 443

The 13th session of the Diet was called for November
7, 1898. Messrs Kataoka and Motoda were again elect-
t:d President and Vice-President, respectively.

Keiisei honto, unlike the Kcnseito^ declined to Iiave any
dealings with the Cabinet, but on the contiary deter-
mined to take up a line of conduct at variance with that
adopted by the Government. Its constitution they con-
sidered violated their principles, which called for a party
Cabinet, and which they resolutely adhered to. Their at-
titude however was more than counter-balanced by the
support of the Kenseito and the Kokumin Kiokwai,
Thus the augury for a quiet Session was from the be-
ginning favourable.

The bill for increasing the land tax was passed in a
modified form by arrangement with the Kenseito in spite
of the strenuous opposition of the Kensei Iwnto. The
Kokumin Kiokwai also continued its support of the Gov-
ernment.

On the 5th of July 1899 it dissolved to come into
existence again as the Teikoku-to (^ ^ J|(), Imperialist
Party. At the -same time it gave a promise of assisting
the Government and co-operating with the Kenseito.

In June of the same year, Marquis Ito delivered a
series of lectures in the Central Provinces and in Kiushu
on the necessity for re-construction of political parties.
Undaunted by their feilure at the 13th Session, the Ken-
sei honto persevered in the course of action they had
adopted. They held meetings in various parts of the
country in order to spread their views; Count Okuma
taking an active part in the campaign. Approval was,
at a meeting held at Kioto on May 27, given to resolu-
tions calling for adjustment of the administration, reduc-

444 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan,

tion of expenditure, the restoration of the land tax, post
and telegraph rates and the soy tax to their former
level without recourse to other fresh sources of taxa-
tion : — These reforms to be effected at the 14th Session
of the Diet. At a gathering at the Koto Nakamuraro
Tokio, later in the year, November 17, at which speeches
were delivered by Count Dkuma and Viscounts Tani and
Miura, the fallowing programme was sanctioned :— (i)
Administrative adjustment in the army and navy, Formosa,
and all other directions. Restoration of three taxes above
specified to their old rates without recourse to new
sources of taxation, (2.) Active conduct of foreign affairs,
extension of national interests and prestige, preservation
of the territorial integrity of China and Korea, (3.) Re-
duction of unproductive enterprises in the Budget, en-
couragement of education, development of national re-
sources, rapid completion of means of communication and
transport and of works for preventing floods, (4.) Reform
of the abuses of officialdom, and of the evil of in-
terference with elections, (5.) Suitable steps in accord
with party principles and decision of Representatives to
be taken to deal with matters coming up at the ensuing
Session of the Diet.

Thus their continued opposition to the Government
was in the main based upon the question of taxation.
It is also worthy of note that the preservation of the
integrity of China and Korea is made a plank in their
platform a matter upon which they have dealt with
much insistence ever since.

The Kenscito had in the interval between the 13th
and 14th Sessions reniaincd staunch in its allegiance to
the Cabinet. On November 15, 1899, Messrs Hoshi,

Ixiy : — The Political Parties of Japan, 445

Matsuda, Suematsu and Hayashi were appointed General
Commissioners and they adopted as the policy of the
party for the next Session, (i.) The extension of the
franchise, (2.) State purchase of private railways and the
completion of projected lines, (3.) State defrayment of
local prison expenditure, (4.) Abolition of the Law of
Political Associations, etc. They also deemed it their
duty to obtain the fruit of their support of the Cabinet.

The 14th Session of the Diet, which was formally
opened on November 22, 1899, ^^^^ '^ predecessor,
passed without striking incident. The KensHhonto lost no
time in opening fight over the question which ihcy had
declared to have at heart. But the Government still re-
tained its hold over the Kemeito which admitted of the
administration being conducted and legislation enacted
without friction.

The proposals of the opposition for the restoration of
the three taxes to their old rate were rejected by the
House of Representatives on the 8th of December.

The business of the Session included the passing of
the Revived Election Law which became operative for
the first time on August 10, 1902. The law was pub-
lished as Law No. 73 March 28, 1900, and amended
slightly by Law No. 38 of April 4, 1903. It is divided
into 13 chapters which treat of, (i.) Electoral districts,
(2.) Rights of electing and of being eligible for election,
(3.) Election lists, (4.) Elections, voting and voting
places, (5.) Control of voting places, (6.) Opening of
ballot boxes and places for the oi^cning of ballot boxes,
(7.) Election meetings, (8.) Elected persons, (9.) Term of
membership and elections to fill vacancies, (10.) Lawsuits
about elections and the results of elections, (i i.) Punitive

446 Lay :— The Political Parties of Japan,

regulations, (12.) Supplementaay regulations, (13.) Ad-
ditional regulations. The number of members is raised
from 300 to 381, and there are 73 representatives of City
and 308 of Country districts. Voting districts correspond
with the limits of Cities, towns and villages. No altera-
tion is to be made in the membership or areas for ten
years. No property qualification is now necessary in the
case of Candidates, while the annual payment of land
tax or other direct national taxes by electors is reduced
.from 15 to \6 yen. Another important change introduc-
ed is voting by secret ballot. A relative majority of the
total number of ballots secured election under the old
Law, but it is now necessary that Candidates should
have not less than one fifth of the number obtained by
dividing the total number of persons borne in the elec-
toral lists by the fixed number of members for the dis-
tricts in question. The alterations made in the law are
liieant to minimize the possibility of corruption, to ensure
secrecy and to bring it into line as regard details with
recent legislation. . ;

In several places the date of the taking effect of the
New Law remains to be specially determined by Im-
•"• periaV Ordinance, so that the ^number elected in August
falls somewhat short of the full number.

The number of persons possessing electoral rights on the
36th of April 1902 was 967,227, of whom 67,979 were city
electors, 896,646 in country districts and 2602 in Islands.

Biit the Kcnscito became more and more dissatisfied
with the portion that fell to them as their reward for

* Niihi Nichi Shimbitn.

t On October 4, 1 900 the *' Club " placed the probable number under
the now Klection Law at 796,578.

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 447

idirig the Government. They ^ found that Marquis Ya-
lagata placed his own opinion before theirs and fancied
hat his attitude was one of disdain of party interference.
^Negotiations took place between them and the Govem-
nent in March and April and as a result new civil
ervice regulations were issued 27, April 1900. With
hese on which they had been building their hopes of
idmittance, to places under the Government, they were
11 pleased. They did not think that party participation
!n office had sufficient weight attached to it. They were
unwilling, however, to precipitate a crisis as the wedding
3f His Imperial Highness, tlie Crown Prince was to
take place on the lOth of May. Accordingly they de-
layed action until the 17th of that month, when, at a
meeting of adherents of the party, it was resolved that it
was not desirable to continue the status quo with the
Government.

On May 20, in consequence of the regulations, pro-
viding for cases which should not fall within the purview
of the Civil Service Regulations the offices of Chief
Secretary to the Cabinet and of Chief of Secretariat . in
the various Departments were able to be filled from the
ranks of party men. Still displeased, the General Com-
missioners paid a formal visit to Marquis Yamagata, and
the conference which took place led to a declaration that
the Kenseito would act independently of the Cabinet for
the future. They subsequently proceeded to call upon
Marquis Ito towards whom their hopes had turned as
soon as it became evident that they would break with
the Yamagata Cabinet, and invited the Marquis to enter
their party as its Head. They were told that the
matter would receive careful consideration and oii July

448 Lay : — The Political Parties of Jc^pau.

8, they at length obtained a promise from Marquis Ito
that he would join with the Kenseito in bringing together
a party of which he would assume the leadership.
Count Inoue took a great part in the work. In a few
weeks time the project was ripe, for fulfilment. On
August 25, 1900 the projected formation of the Rikken
Seiyukwai (Party of Friends of Constitutional Govern-
ment) (it ,^ j^ 2^ '#), successor to the Jiyufo and the
Kenseito was announced. The principles of the reconstruct-
ed party were enunciated in the following terms : —

(i.) The party would dutifully guard the Constitution,
and would, conformably ' to its provisions, perfect the
working of the Sovereign Power, and so carry out
important national undertakings and maintain the rights
and liberties of all the people, (2.) Bearing in mind the
comprehensive plans of the Restoration, they would
labour in the cause of civilization, by assisting in their
execution and so promoting the fortunes of the country,
(3.) They were desirous of perfecting the organs of ad-
ministration and of preserving their impartiality and
would aim at making selection (for office) unbiassed,
simplification of business the making clear where re-
sponsibility lay, a well disciplined officialdom, smart ex-
ecution of business, — all which things must be made to
follow the spirit of the times, (4.) Importance should be
attached to foreign affairs and friendship with treaty
nations should be strengthened, and they should labour
for a civilized administration wh ch would be a security
to foreigners and prove Japan to be a law-governed
country, (5.) National defences must be brought to a
state erf* perfection to accord with the condition of aflatrs
at home and abroad, and' the national rights should be

Lay: — TIte Political Pities of Japan. 449

properly protected so as to keep pace with the develop-
ment of the national resources, (6.) The national founda-
tion should be firmly laid by the promotion of educa-
tion, the development of the national character so that
they might all perform their duty to the nation, (7.) The
financial existence of the country to be placed on a live
basis by the encouragement of agriculture, industry navi-
gation, and commerce, and the facilitation of communica-
tion, (8.) Local self government to be made the means
of uniting the various units, socially and economically,
(9.) They would respect their party responsibilities to-
wards the nation, and labour for the public benefit cir-
cumspectly and in avoidance of long standing evils.

The Committee of organization of the Seiyukwai con-
sisted of Baron Suematsu, Messrs Hoshi, Matsuda and
Hayashi, General Commissioners of the KensHto, and
Marquis Saionji, Viscount Watanabe, Barons Honda and
Kaneko, Messrs Haseba Junko, Watanabe Koki, Coka
Ikuzo, Tsuzuki Keiroku.

On August 27. Mr. Ozaki Yukio was expelled from
the Progressionist Parly because of his expressed desire
to dissolve the party and unite with the new association.
Subsequently in a circular addressed to the constituencies
they blamed him for his action in the matter.

On September 13, 1900 the Kenseito finally met to
dissolve and make way for the Rikken Seiyukwai.

The perfection of constitutional Government was declar-
ed to be the desired end of the change which had been
accomplished.

It is to be noted tliat the party accepted Marquis Ito
on his own conditions and knowing that his views as to
Government by party did not coincide with their own.

450 Lay; — T/ie Political Pcxrtks of Japan,

The inaugural ceremony of the Seiyukwai was perform-
ed at the Imperial Hotel Tokio, on September 15.
- By the Progressists the Seiyukwai was not regarded
with favour. Count Okuma took an early opportunity of
delivering a speech in which, while rejoicing that one of
the clan statesmen had showed the progress of the nation
by accepting party influence as inevitable, he remarked

that he was not disposed to do anything in the way of
co-operation or union.

, To counterbalance the weight lent to the Seiyukivai by
the leaderships of Marquis Ito, the Kenseilwntd decided
towards the end of 1900 to request Count Okuma to be-
come the head, formally, of their organization. On the
f8th of December the party was re-organized at a general
meeting held in Tokio, the Count becoming President,
and a business committee of five members being appointed.
It is of interest to note the formation and comparative-
ly brief existence of a political association called the
Kokumindomei-kwai (^ E 13 S& ^), National Union. Or-
ganized in September 1900 when the future of China
seemed doubtful, it was dissolved on April 27, 1902, the
objects of the union namely the preservation of the terri-
torial integrity of China and the restoration of tranquility
there, being deemed to have been assured by the con-
clusion of the Anglo-Japanese agreement and the signature
of the Treaty between Russia and China regarding Man-
churia. Prince Konoe, President of the Upper House,
was President of the Association, and Messrs Inukai Ki
and Sasa Tomofusa were leading spirits in it. It was
supported by the 'foa do-lmn kivai (East Asia Common
Script Society) and by the Progressiv^es, but was regard-
ed with open hostility by the Seiyukivai and with dis-

Lay: — The Political Partes of Japan. 451

pleasure by the Government. It is no uncommon thint;
in Japan for political associations to be formed for speci-
fic purposes and to be dissolved on tlie fulfilment of
these objects, and the Kokumin domei kzvai is but one
instance out of many which have occurred during the
past twenty years.

The resignation of the Yamagata Cabinet had been de-
layed by the Boxer troubles in China and the inadvisa-
bility of change of government until tranquility had been
substantially restored. Consequently it was not until
October 19, that Marquis ltd formed his Cabinet, the
majority of the members of which belonged to the Sei-
yukzvcd.

Of the old Jiyuto leaders, Baron Suematsu held the
portfolio of Home affairs. Mr. Matsuda of Education,
Mr. Hayashi of Agriculture and Commerce, Mr. Hayashi
of Communications. Much regret was felt that Count
Inoue was not included, as he was expected to hold a
portfolio. This may be called the second Party Cabinet
in Japan, and it was looked upon at the time as a trans-
fer of the rems of power from the older statesmen into
the hands of younger men. Marquis Ito being the only
veteran remaining. But like its predecessor it suffered
from lack of homogeneity.

With regard to the Teikohito they were at first inclin-
ed to lend their countenance to the new Ministr)-, but
on December 19, they passed ^ resolution to the effect
that its attitlide towards the Constitution in the interpre-
tation of the doctrine of responsibility violated their
principles.

The weakest feature in the Cabinet was the holding of
the portfolio of Finance by Viscount Watanabe. Belong-

4? 2 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan,

ing to Shinshu, originally not a party man and* averse to
Government by party, the Viscount had consented with
reluctance to join the Seiyukwai, He was appointed
chairman of the General Committee in the beginning, but
was dei)oscd from that post shortly afterwards owing to
serious differences of opinion between himself and the
other members of the Committee. The latter issued a
ver)' vioJLMit manifesto attacking him whereupon Marquis
Ito removed all the fifteen members of the committe,
subsequently re-appointing twelve of them, nominating
Mr. Ozaki Yukio in the place of Viscount Watanabe.
Thus Viscount Watanabe took office under most unfavour-
able circumstances, and his appointment was greeted with
much opposition. During the ensuing six months his re-
lations with his colleagues of the Seiyukwai grew more
and more strained. Frequent expression of desire for his
retirement was the subject of newspaper articles. The
agitation against him canie to a head early in April
1901. He then announced, in his capacity as Finance
Minister, that the execution of certain undertakings pro-
vided for in the budget which had just bedn passed and
had taken effect from the ist of that month, would re-
quire to be postponed in view of the impossibility of
raising the domestic loan contemplated in the same esti-
mates. This announcement was met with a storm of in-
dignation. He was accused of being utterly lacking in
sense of responsibility. This alteration of his own pro
posals in such a radical manner immediately after thei
acceptance by the Diet, was held to be a demonstratio
of his unfitness to control the national finances. Viscou
Watanabe, however resolutely refuced to resign unless
company with his colleagues. He disclaimed individ

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 453

responsibility in the matter, maintaining that the Cabinet
liad as a body agreed that postponement of some of the
national undertakings was inevitable, and that lie would
stand or fall with the others.

On April 20, five of the Ministers, all prominent mem-
bers of the Seiyukiuaif conveyed to Marquis Ito a warn-
ing of their intention to leave office if the services of
Viscount Watanabe were retained. It was subsequently
thought that a compromise had been arrived at by mutual
concession on points of finance and that the matter would
be allowed to drop. But disputes again arose within the
Cabinet, and outside of it private members of the SeiyFi-
kwai showed a disinclination to allow the Finance Min-
ister to continue in office ; a committee elected at a
meeting of the party sought and obtained an appointment
for an interview with Marquis Ito in order to lay their
views before him. The interview was fixed for the 2nd
of May, but on the morning of that day the Premier
suddenly repaired to tha Palace and handed in his re-
signation, to the surprise of the public generally. Marquis
Saionji took the vacated place, temporarily.

The political crisis lasted exactly one month. On Mar-
quis Ito's resignation a conference of the elder statesmen.
Marquis Yamagata, Marquis Saigo, Count Matsukata, and
Count Inoue was summoned by the Emperor. They con-
cluded that there was no alternative to an Ito Cabinet at
the moment and invited the Marquis to re-consider his
decision. The newspapers too of all shades of opinion
were practically unanimous in the view that no one but
Marquis ltd was in a position to form a cabinet which
should contain any of the elements of stabih'ty, because of
his command of a majority in the House of Repre-

454

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan.

sentatives. This demonstrates the light in which the in-
iluence of political parties had now come to be regarded.
]kit Marquis Ito proved unyielding. Further conferences
of the elder Statesmen and negotiation between them and
the late Premier were of no avail. The delay led to
much criticism of the older statesmen. It was argued
that it was their duty to find a way out of the difficulty
but that instead of boldly grasping the situation, each
one tried to shift the responsibility on to the shoulders
of some one else. The people were tired of their in-
action and if they were unable to perform their former
functions, they should retire from the political arena,
making way for younger and more vigorous men.

As the resolve of Marquis Ito not to come forward
again in the meantime turned out to be unalterable, owing
pcirtly, it was said, to his unwillingness to face the House
of Peers until his relations with Marquis Yamagata re-
gained their old friendly footing, Viscount Katsura was
sent for by the Emperor on the 26th May and com-
manded to do his best to form a Cabinet.

On June 2nd the Katsura Cabinet was gazetted. It
w as a new departure in that it was not under the leader-
.shi[), nor did it contain any of the elder statesmen, whose
presence had hitherto been considered essential in a Cabi-
net. On the other hand, no representatives of political
parties were included in its composition. In the estima-
tion of those who believe in the future of political parties,
it thus marked a transition stage between the relinquish-
ment of power on tlie part of the statesmen who had
controlled the administration of modern Japan, and the
final triumph of political parties and the assumption of
Governing Authority by their leaders.

Lay : — The Political I\irties of Japan. 455

The attitude taken up by the Seiyukwai towards the
new Cabinet may be characterized as of indifferent neu-
trality. Marquis It5 had exerted his influence to prevent
the party from becoming hostile on trivial grounds, be-
seeching them publicly not to offer opposition to the in-
coming Government unless their method of conducting
public affairs demanded it.

With regard to the Progressives, they were inclined
to stand by the Cabinet and negotiations were entered
into with a view to an understanding, But no definite
agreement waa concluded and the Progressives have
continued in a position of benevolent neutrality.

Early in the year there had occurred a secession from
the ranks of this party over the question of taxation.
Count Dkuma carrying the majority of the party with
him supported the proposals of the Government for in-
creased taxation on the score of national necessity. Those
of opposite views, practically the Old Kakushinto coterie
including Messrs Kudo Kokan, Chigashi Gitetsu, Suzuki
Juen, Baron Kusumoto, etc., severed their connection with
the party on February 18. They styled themselves the
Sanshi Club (H IS)i because they were thirty four in
number and the year of secession was the thirty fourth
year of Meiji. Since then they have kept apart, holding
and advocating their own views, although there has been
talk of their return to their old party and their votes are
reckoned as available as a rule for the Progressives.

The Imperialists passed a resolution of confidence in
the ministry.

It was expected at first that the Katsura Cabinet would
be a mere stop gap, but it passed successfully through
the sixteenth session of the Diet, and indeed holds at

4 -4 L^U —Th^ /i/AV^-^'»/ ^^^^^

sciiuitivcs. This demonstrates thr

ll-.jciicc of political parties had r

]kit Marquis Ito proved uny«

c.fthc elder Statesmen and

the late Premier were

much criticism of th

that it was their d*

but that instead

one tried to p'

of some o*"

action an

functio' .^^^^^ of the * C.ncral Election which ^°^\w^c

'' .fii^t \o was a victory for the Seiyu-kiVi^^ ^ .^^^
,"'^5 to be sonic doubt about the exact fi^ -.^-d
'^^' flffiniin gives the following as the estimn^''
' /,v' the Authorities : — t

SciyTi-kuHii, . .

!Kcnsd'hont7)
Sanshi Ckib
Niigata Progressives
Imperialists
Indeix^ndent

.J cwr

jrisis over

the action

,cti members

jj-ty and sup-

ed 'in the line

/he government

..c of the recalcitrant ^^^ ^^^^^^
akuguro, Shigeno Kenjiro,

enced

• • •

■ • • • • •

• • • • • •

Total

X The Moji election has yet to take

illegality in the voting. The lutmiin however, give?

375 _ ^^ -^"^
place owin-^==^^ ^-^

- f J

■«• Prior lo tlur election llie Mini>lor for Home Af)airs issued iib ^ $
lions to tho Local (lovcrnors, cnjuininj; non-intorferencc and afwolutc
j^artiality.

t These arc the liiiiiro- "ivcn bv llic Xichi Xichi. %'•

\ 'J'ook place on (.)ctol)er lo, n^»2, Nxlien a candidate in syaijul ^
with the Seivh'kiL'iii was elected.

-Tilt Politkal Parlici of Jap

457

mate of tho Seiyu-kwai figures, while the

K), crcditint^ the Piofjressives with 112.

~hiinl'iin, an orf^aii of tlie Progressionists

ract is laktn.

'Iikh appeared in the colutims of the

' October /J, ip02 : —

•■ readers are axvarc, occupies a

., tlic liistory of Japanese political

1 a ]ilura!it)' in llic House of Reprcsent-

iierc majority as compared witii any otiier

.iirality of tlie wliolc House. Hitherto the

political association in tho country could

be stronger tiiaii any rival, and the conse-

lat combinations and consultations were

der to carry any measure whether for or

vcrnnient. Not infrequently tl-e extreme

iry illoy;icality was witnessed — a small

ticians holding the casting vote and beiiig

0 control the whole situation. But the

1 now muster force superior to the com-
of all its rivals. If it decides to oppose
;xt session, one of two things must ensue
xnge of Cabinet or a dissolution of the

To Enj^lLshmcn it will doubtless appear
I Ministry should attempt to remain in
the support of a majority in the I^wer
arlianieiitary affairs in Japan arc not yet
British models. The present Cabinet as-
■ith open disavowal of parliamentary sup-
!cnts the familiar chjBen shtigi, or inde-
, which is one of the transition stages
ucracy to constitutional institutions. It

45 6 Ixiy : — The Political Parties of Japan,

present (September 1902), a stronger position than ever
owing to its conduct of affairs having on the whole met
with the approval of the people. A threatened crisis over
the proposals of the Budget was averted by the action
of the more moderate section of the Seiyukwai members
who showed their intention to leave tlie party and sup-
port the Government if the former persisted in the line
it had adopted regarding the estimates. The Government
consequently triumphed, but the Seiyukwai took venge-
ance by ex{)elling some of the recalcitrant members,
Messrs Inoue Kakugoro, Shigeno Kenjiro, and Den
Kenjiro.

The result of the * General Election which commenced
on August 10 was a victory for the Seiyu-kwai. There
appears to be some doubt about the exact figures, but
the Jimmin gives the following as the estimate arrived
at by the Authorities : — f

Seiyu-kwai 192

lu'nsei-honto 88^

Sanshi Club

Niigata Progressives

Imperialists

Independent

Progressives

••• ••• •••

• • • • •

Total 375

X The Moji election has yet to take place owing to
illegality in the voting. The Jimmin however, gives 199

* Prior to the election the Minister for Home Affairs issued instruc-
tions to the Local Governors, enjoining non-interference and absolute im-
partiality.

t These arc the figures given by the A7<7// Xichi.

\ Took place on October lo, 1902, when a candidate in sympathy,
with the Stiyn-kwai was elected.

Lay : — Th€ Political Parties of Japan, 457

as its own estimate of the Seiyu-kivai figures, while the
AsaJii gives 190, crediting the Progressives with 112.
from the Hochi S/iimhm, an organ of the Progressionists
to the following extract is taken.

Footnote : — Article which appeared in the columns of the
" fapan Daily Mail'' on October ij, igo2 : —

The Seiyu-kwaiy as our readers are aware, occupies a
position unique in the history of Japanese political
parties. It has a pluralit)' in the House of Represent-
atives—not a mere majority as compared with any other
party, but a plurality of the whole House. Hitherto the
most powerful political association in the country could
only claim to be stronger than any rival, and the conse-
quence was that combinations and consultations were
necessary in order to carry any measure whether for or
against the Government. Not infrequently tlx' extreme
of parliamentary illogicality was witnessed — a small
coterie of politicians holding the casting vote and being
thus enabled to control the whole situation. But the
SeiyH'kwai can now muster. force superior to the com-
bined strength of all its rivals. If it decides to oppose
the Ministry next session, one of two things must ensue
— either a change of Cabinet or a dissolution of the
Lower House. To Englishmen it will doubtless appear
strange that a Ministry should attempt to remain in
office without the support of a majority in the Ia)wer
House. But parliamentary affairs in Japan are not yet
in accord with British models. The present Cabinet as-
sumed office with open disavowal of parliamentary sup-
port. It represents the familiar chozen shugi, or inde-
pendent policy, which is one of the transition stages
from a bureaucracy to constitutional institutions. It

458 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Jafi^n,

takes its mandate from the Throne alone, and does not
acknowledge direct responsibility to any political party.
If, then, the Seiyu-hwai should marshal its forces against
the Ministry next session, the Cabinet would be logically
following the rule of its existence did it send the mem-
bers back to their constituencies, a sentence which ihe
members, having just incurred the expense and trouble
of a general election, will naturally be most anxious to
avoid. Neither is it likely that things will ever be
pushed to such a flagrant issue. The Seiyukwai is
under the leadership of Marquis Ito, who, more than
any statesman in the country, enjoys the Sovereign's
confidence. Marquis Ito's attitude towards the present
Cabinet is avowedly directed by the principle of mini-
sterial stability. Strongly opposed to ephemeral tenure
of office, he desires to educate among politicians a con-
viction that the interests of party must always be
sacrificed to those of State, at least to the extent of the
disturbing the occupants of the seats of power merely
because of their occupation. So long as that process of
education can be continued without over-straining the
cohesion of the Seiyu-kivai, Marquis Ito is likely to con-
tinue it, and when it becomes difficult to continue, we
may be sure that the necessary readjustments will be
effected without anything like a crisis.
Progressives, gives the figures as : —

Progressives Il8

Seiyu'kivai i88

Imperialists 19

Independent 50

k..

Tmv : — The Politic at Parties of Japan. 459

In any case, * the party led by Marquis Ito will com-
mand a clear majority in the next House of Represent-
atives. Whether or not it will be a compact body is
quite another question. During its brief existence the
party has not enjoyed much freedom from internal dis-
sension. From time to time there have been rumours
that it would dissolve and a union be effected between
a section of its members and the Progressives. Already
it is said to be divided over the land tax question vvh'ch
promises to constitute one of the most difficult problems
by which the Diet will be confronted in its seventeenth
session (1902-03).

Political parties have now become a distinct power in
the land and the day may come when they shall readi
the final goal of their ambition, namely the control of
the administration. From small and insij^nificant begin-
nings they have gradually progressed in influence and in
organization. As by degrees they have been getting rid
of their unruly and dangerous elements and learning to
a greater extent the lesson of responsibility, they have
more and more gained the popular confidence. Possess-
ing practically the power of the purse, — for in the Diet
the House of Representatives has the first say as to the
details of the Budget presented by the Government, —
they have always to be reckoned with. And with the
perfection of their organization, and the growth of their
experience they will have to be more and more taken
into account in the future. The power which the Lower
House can exercise is indeed limited by the Constitu-
tion, and failing to obtain its consent to the Budget, the

* See Footnote — (Extract from Article in Japan Daily Mail of Oclu-
l^cr 13, 1902).

40o

Laiv : — The Political JhrtiiS of Japan.

GovcintiKnt can order dissolution and the estimates for
the current financial year are then again adopted. But
no statesman can afford to neglect political parties or
hope to carry on the affairs of the State for long in face
(:'{ the opposition of a majority in the House of Repre-
sentatives. One of the greatest of Japan's Statesmen —
Count (>kuma — has from the early days been closely as-
sociated with one of the principal parties, and Marquis
Ito recently consented to throw in his lot with the other
large pirty. Party Cabinets have already been attempt-
ed, but have so far not proved a success. With a
longer trial, however, there is no reason why they
should not some day be a recognized feature of the
national polity. There are some who sneer at the
I)arties ar.d minimi/e the importance of the field of
work lying before them. These are not the more
serious students of modern Japanese history. We have
seen in this sketch how the parties have gradually de-
veloped and advanced and that the most able of states-
men feel — and the feeling is constantly more and more im-
portant— that they are no longer a ncgligeable quantity,
but that they must be considered and consulted and
their assistance sought. With the retirement, which can-
not now be long delayed, of the elder statesmen from the
arena of poHtics, will come the opportunity for the
party men. Within the limits of the Constitution of
Ja|)an tliere is ample room foi the exercise of large
l)()wtrs by political i)arties. Considering the brief
period which has elapsed since political parties l:ad tlieir
origin in Japan, and making due allowance for the faults
incident to youth, one cannot but be struck with the
position they have now attained. It is true that char*T:es

Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 461

of bribery and corruption have from time to time been
justly brought against many of their members. It is
also true that at a time when they hesitated to grant
the expenditure deemed necessary for national require-
ments, the House of Representatives cheerfully voted an
increase in the annual allowances of members from 800
to 2,000 yen. But when times of national emergency
have come, all parties have united to sink their
differences arid devoted themselves wholeheartedly to face
and overcome the difficulty and danger. And to their
credit must be placed the fact that they have assisted in
securing a large measure of liberty to the subject and of
freedom for the press and political associations.

There have of course been unruly scenes in the Lower
House at times, but on the whole, in the conduct of
business, it may be said to compare not unfavourably
w'ith Representative Bodies in other parts of the world.

With regard to representation, the agricultural interest
preponderates, as so many of the members arc of the
agricultural class, the mercantile world being represented
in only a small degree.

That there have been no distinct and well defined
party issues may be traced to the fact that feudalism
gave place so suddenly to a modern state of society.
No doubt there was a period of preparation for the
change, but the old was transformed into the new with-
out any very marked transition period. The leaders of
thought and those who have taken up the work of
national rejuvenation have consequently all been men of
progressive tendencies. For it was clear that Japan
must advance rapidly, and in the same direction as the
West, if she wished to take her place as she has now
done, on terras of absolute equality among the Nations.

4^)2 Lay : — Tlic Political Parties of Japan,

Tliorough reform and reorganization were a vital neces-
sity, and at the same time this truth was so apparent to
intelligent minds that in Japan those whose thoughts
have preferred to revert for guidance to the past have
had few followers during the past thirty years — parti-
cularly in the political world. The outcome has been
that all the parties, with the exception of very minor
and negligeable groups, have been advocates of reform
and progress and staunch upholders of the Hberty of the
subject. With all this, loyalty to the Emperor has never
for a moment been lost sight of by any of the parties
and their programmes have been filled with laudable de-
sires for the dignity of the Imperial House. Another
reason for vagueness of programme appears to be the
comparatively subordinate part played by political parties
in the Government of the country. Inability until recently,
to carry out plans, at times prevents their being made.
That they have frequently opposed the Government in
cases where opposition for its own sake has been the
only recognizable principle cannot be gainsaid. It must,
however, be remembered that they have all along Keen
struggling for a share in the administration, to give
effect to their contention that the Government .should be
not only representative of one class or section of the
population but be carried on by the nominees of the
l)cople under the Imperial authority. In a recent paper
read before the Asiatic Society, Mr. Chamberlain re-
ferred to the intensely democratic nature of the Japanese
people. In the rise of political parties we have an
illustration of this phase of the national character, side
by side with marked reverence for the Emperor. The
desire for equality and the revolt against the controlling
iiifluoncc of a Hvurow cutcrie has all along been exhibited.

atalogue cf recently published Japanese Books^

I sincerely trust that the Catalogue herewith presented
to the members of the Asiatic Society may be of material
service in the promotion of Japanese studies. One of the
most desirable results would be a large increase in the
number of valuable papers prepared for the Society's
Transactions, the main purpose of this Catalogue being to
point members to the sources through which information
may be derived. The Catalogue does not pretend to be
either complete or scientifically arranged ; so long as it
serves ils purpose I shall be satisfied.

I may add that I shall be at all times happy to act as
intermediary either in procuring books or in having
rough translations prepared, or in any other wa>' for
members who are not in a position to do such things for
themselves.

Arthur Lloyd.
56. Tsukiji, Tokyo December 1903. Hon. Lib.

Religion.

Ichimai Kishomon Tanshin Sho. ^-^tfe^lrl^itiii fS^*
^otes on a Buddhistic book on faith. Author Shanion
Tlyucho. Publisher Komeisha. Price Yen, 0.12.

Fubo-on-ju Kyo Kogi. :X l5:®liJK^^- lectures on

464 Catalogue of Books,

the Fubo-oii-ju Ky5, a Buddhistic book on parents' grace.
Author Yamada Kodo. Publisher Koyiikwan. Price
Yen, 0.12.

Fukwan Zazcngi Senyo. ^-||!|/^jj$^^|c- Notes on
the Fukwan Zazengi, a Buddhistic book on religious
meditation. Author Ouchi Seiran. Publisher Komeisha.
Price Yen, o.io

Murakami Hakase Bukkyo Koron Shu. ;H'ilfild^l^
tic liH uft ^ A collection of Prof. Murakami's lectures
and essays on Buddhism. Vol. I. Author Murakami
Sensho. Publisher Komeisha. Price Yen, 1.50.

Rinri to ShOkyo to no Kwankei. fft-j^ i J^tic £ ©BB
^. Relation between ethics and religion. Author Ino-
uyc Tetsujiro. Publisher P^usambo. Price Yen, 0.4b.

Anshin Ritsumei Dan. ^j&jfc'ft'llE. A talk on peace
of mind and faith. Author Murakami Sensho. Publisher
Tctsugaku Shoin. Price Yen, 0.20.

Sanron Gengi Kowa Roku. Hl^~^^^^^- Lectures
on the Sanron Gengi, a Buddhistic book. Author Maeda
lum. Publisher Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shinshu Shichi-so no Taiko. ^Rn'^'blfi:^::^!^- Arti-
cles of faith of the seven Fathers of the Shinshii, a Bud-
dhistic sect. Author Saito Yuishin. Publisher K6yuk\van.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Shinshu Yoryo. J^^lc^fi- A brief description of the
Shinshu, a Buddhistic sect. Author Murakami Sensho.
Publisher Tetsugaku Shoin. Price Yen, 0.25.

Sekkyo Hiyu Gowa Roku. |ftt5:^"fe>g^^-^. A col-
lection of parables to be adopted for sermons. Author
Yasuda Tokunin. Publisher Bunmeido. Price Yen, 0.45.

Sonken Hakase Rinri teki Shukyo-ron Hihan Shu. ^
m'^±^mt^\%mkW(^%' a criticism on Prof. Ino-

Catalogue of Books. 465

iye*s " Ethical Religion." Author Akiyama Goan. Pub-
isher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.80.

Gojin no Shukyo. "?5A07j?%- ^"J" religion, a layman's
'iew of Buddhism. Author Akatsuki Ubin. Publisher
^umnieido. Price Yen, 0.20.

Sodoshu Shushoji Sokkyo Daizen. Wf|^>i^fiE^^i%%
^^. A collection of sermons of the Sotoshu, a Buddhistic
ect. Author Sotdshu Shiimukyoku. Publisher Koyu-
:wan. Price Yen, o 70.

Seishin Kowa. ^ijBlt^^- Lectures on spiritual culture.
Vuthor Kiyozawa Manshi. Publisher Bummeido. Price
fen, 0.30.

Roppo-rai-kyo Kowa. AS>l!fJjSiS^.^^- Lectures on the
^.oppo-rai-kyo, a Buddhistic book. Author Ouchi Seiran.
Publisher Komeisha. Price Yen, 0.15.

Gakud6-y5jin-shu Kogi. $M ^#(!>^ ^^* lectures
>n the Gakudo-yojin-shu, a Buddhistic book on the way
>f Buddha. Author Yamada K5d6. Publisher Koyukwan.
Price Yen, 0.30.

Murakami Hakase Koen-shu. # ^b IH ^T 91 K^- A
:ollection of Prof. Murakami's lectures and speeches.
'Vuthor Murakami Sensho. Publisher Bummeido. Price
^'en, 0.25.

Gusha-ron Tasshi. {^^ Sfi^i^iu:^- Lectures on the Gu-
»ha-ron (a Buddhist book.) Author Murakami Sensho.
Publisher Tetsugakushoin. Pi ice Yen, 0.25.

Gunjin to ShiJkyo, !JX i J^tSC- Soldiers and Reli-
gion. Author Takemoto Kiyozo. Publisher Kyobun-
lAvan. Price Yen, 0.02.

Morumonkyo to Morumonkydto. W^f^'tflt W^f\
}ki&' On Mormonism and Mormons. Autlior Taka-
Lashi Goro. Publisher Jujiya. Price Yen, 0.75.

4^6 Catalogue of Boohs.

Bukkyo Rinri no Jissen. %WkM © ffS- Practice
in Buddhistic morals. Author Hanada Ry5un. Pubh'shcr
Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.25.

Bukkyo Kaikaku Dan. ift ffe 2S[ $ ^. View on Bud-
dhistic reformation. Author Kato Hiroyuki. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.12.

Fukwan-zazen Kogi. ^Hl^lS^il' Lectures on the
Fukwan-zazen, a Buddhistic book. Author Ouchi Seiran.
Pubh'sher Komeisha. Price Yen, 0.15.

Kishin-ron Tasshi. & j^gft^^. Lectures on the Kishin-
-ron, a l^uddhistic book. Author Murakami Sensh5.
Publisher Tetsugakushoin. Price Yen, 0.25.

Kyudosha no Shiori. ^j|^^0^. A guide to Chris-
tianity. Author Bessho Umenosuke. Publisher Kydbun-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.05.

Yubin-kyakufu to Shukyo. W&M'h ^ ^tfl- Postmen
and religion (Christianity.) Author Okubo Rakujitsu.
Publisher Kyobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.02.

Shinshu Kyoshi. MfA^^- A history of Shinshu, a
l^uddhislic sect. Author Maeda Eun. Publisher Bum-
meido. Price Yen, 0.65.

Shonin to Shukyo. "^A^^ ^^- Merchants and re-
ligion (Christianity.) Author Abe Seiz5. Publisher Kyo-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.02.

Shukyo Kaikaku An. ^^fS^fift^^. A layman's view
on Buddhistic reformation. Author Inouye Enryd. Pub-
lisher Tetsugakushoin. Price Yen, 0.20.

Shinreijo no Shuyo. i6M_hCDiif||. On spiritual cul-
ture based on Buddhism. .Vuthor Hamaguchi Esho. Pub-
lisher Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.35.

Hikaku Shukyo Ippan J:^; ^ ^ fj^ — HJ. A gen-
eral view on comparative religion. Author Kishi-

Catalogue of Books. ^Gj

moto Nobuta. Publisher Keiseisha. Price Yen, 0.15.

Zengaku Okugi. jjli^M^- Mystery of the science of
Zen. Author Fujinami Ichinyo. Publisher Bungakudo-
shikwai. Price Yen, 0.50.

Zenkai Kummo. |5?Kp|^. Elementary teaching on
Zen precepts. Author Nishiarl Zenji. Publisher Koinei-
sha. Price Yen, 0.25.

Zengaku Kwatsumondo. Jflt^JS^^* Catechism on
the .science of Zen. Author Kdmeisha. Publisher Ko-
meisha. Price Yen, 0.25.

Logic.

Ronrigaku Koyo. ffijf 31 $ iW S- ^ book on logic.
Authors Kuwaki Ganyoku and Sekiyama Tomi. Publisher
Hakubunkvvan. Price Yen, 0.40.

Philosophy.

Nippon Kogaku-ha Tetsugaku. EI ^^'j&^iHR^^. Phi-
losophy of the Kogaku School in Japan, a school of
Confucianism which held the oldest way of interpreting
Confucius' teaching. Author Inouye Tetsujiro. Publisher
Fusambo. Price Yen, 1.60.

Nippon Tetsugaku Yoron. B4^{$$1^|^- A brief
s^ccount of Japanese philosophy. Author Arima Suke-
masa. Publisher Koyukwan. Price Yen, 0.90.

Waseda Sosho Tetsugaku Shiyo. ^fSffl^^g^ail?.
A short history of philosophy. Author Kuwaki Genyoku.
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.40.

Sekai Shiso no Kwako Oyobi Shorai. ilt^JgliElCO^S
^XJMF^' P«^st and future of Thought in the world.
Author Hokki Keijir5. Publisher Tdyosha. Price Yen,
0-15.

Tetsugaku Koy5. f$^jP||. A short history of phi-

468 Catalogue of Books.

losophy. Author Asanaga Sanjiro. Publisher Hobun-
kwan. Price Yen, i.oo.

Shizen-kai no Shimbi. Q^fJ-CD^fl- -Esthetics in
Nature. Author Otsuki Ryu. Publisher Bungaku D5shi-
kwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Shakwai-gaku to Tetsugaku. Sh^^ilS^- Sociolo-
gy and philosophy. Author Hisamatsu Giten. Publisher
Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.60.

Jinsei no Shimbi. A^v7)8ril- Esthetics of human
life. Author Otsuki Ryu. Publisher Bungaku Ddshikvvai.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Bungaku no Shimbi. X^0Sf3§- -'Esthetics of litera-
ture. Author Otsuki Ryu. Publisher Bungaku Doshi-
kwai. Price Yen 0.25.

Koto Nippon Shushin Sho. . ift*1?H:4:1if:l'#. A text
book on elementary ethics for girls, to be used in higher
e^ementaiy girls' schools. Author Bungakusha. Publis^her
Bungakusha. Pi ice Yen, 075.

Obei Kotoku Bidan. P|lt:5RS^^|fe. A collection of
stories about public morals in Europe and America.
Author and Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.20.

Yojohan Tetsugaku. KS-f"^^- An " Attic Philo-
sopher." Author Hakugan Koji. Publisher Tetsugaku-
shoin. Price Yen, 0.20.

Genko Yoroku. ^ ^f ^ ¥A' A collection of moral
stories. Author K\^'an Ryokuin. Publisher Hakubunkwan.
Price Yen, 0.30.

Shimpen Futsu Shinrigaku. fiftl^Jlfiii^a^- A hand
book on psychology. Authors Takashima Heizaburo
and Doi Kennosuke. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen,
085.

Fujo no Sluiyo. Wk^^^- A book on the culture

Catalogue of Books. 469

of woman. Author Kat5 Totsudo. Publisher Komeisha.
Price Yen, 0.25.

Kokumin Sah5 Kyohon. HRf^fifJC>f^. A text book
on etiquette. Authors C'mura Daijiro and Watanabe
Shoku. Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.40.

Teiyu Rinri Kwai Koen Shu. TSitSffilf^^- A
collection of lectures on ethics. Vol. IX. Author Teiyii
Rinri Kwai. Publisher Dai Nippon Zushokwaisha. Price
Yen, 0.10.

Tetsugaku Gairon Koyo. ®$<it|ft#i35- Elements
of philosophy. Author Kat5 Genchi. Publisher Toyosha.
Price Yen, 0.75.

Kyoiku no Jissai ni Oyo shitaru Shinrigaku. %L^ 0^
fTRfUMRffl LIZh iOai^- Psychology as adapted to
practical education- Author Tominaga Iwataro. Publisher
Kinshodo. Price Yen, 0.45.

Meiji Shakd Reishiki. ^^JpSt^JlSA' Modern Social
etiquette. Author Yamada Bimyo. Publisher Aoki Su-
zando. Price Yen, 0.50.

Jissen Rinri Kogi. Sf Ift Ift" ?-l p)I IS- Lectures on
practical ethics. Author Murakami Tatsugoro. Publisher
Kanasashi. Price Yen, 0.80.

Shosei Yokun. |K Ifir 1^ |lfi- Precepts on how to get
on in the world. Author Honda Masujiro. Publisher
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shinrigaku Shin Kyokwasho. ^(^^ a|^ ff ^ ?4 ^. A
new text book on psychology. Authors Matsumoto K6-
jiro and Fukurai Tomokichi. Publisher Fukyusha. Price
Yen, 0.80.

Shinrigaku Seigi. it^B^fi!}^- Principles of Psycho-
logy. Author P'ukurai Tomokichi. Publisher D5bunk\van.
Price Yen, 1.80.

470 Catalogue of Books,

Shimpen Shinrigaku. ^11)681^. A new text book:
on Psychology. Author Malsumoto Kojiro. Publisher
Seibido. Price Yen, 0.60.

Shiayo Dan. ^^^' On self culture. Author Matsu-
iiuna Kaiseiki. Publisher Keiseisha. Price Yen, c.23.

Chugaku Kyoiku Motora Shi Rinri Sho. H'^tfcl^TC
liRI&'S^- A text book on ethics for Middle Schools.
Author Motora Yujiro. Publisher Seibidd. Price Yen,
1.20.

Seiyo Rinrigaku Shi. iSJ^fH^SI^Stl- A history of
Western ethics. Author Tsunajima Eiichiro. Publisher
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.30.

Zemma Tetsugaku. ^^ft^^* An essay on philoso-
phy by a Buddhist. Author Aoyagi Yubi. Publisher
Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.25

Ethics.

Rinri-gaku Teiyo. |||^ M ^ H 3^- A book on ethics.
Authors Yomezawa Buhei and Tanaka Tatsu. Publisher
Kofiikwan. Price Yen 0.50.

Kotoku Yosei. ^@Hl^* Culture of public morals,
or social ethics. Author Teikoku Kyoiku Kwai. Pub-
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.50.

T6y5 Rinri Koshi no Gaku-setsu. ]ft^fit9|?LiF©^lft-
Doctrines of Confucius, as Eastern ethics. Author Matsu-
mura Seiichi. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0*35.

Jissen Rinri Nyumon. HBIf&fflAP^- Elementary
principles of practical ethics. Author Nakajima Ushijiro.
Publisher Seibidd. Price Yen, O.35.

Nippon Rinri Ihcn. H 4^^ ft S ^ H- A collection
t»f Ethical theories in Japan. Author Inouye Tetsujiro.
Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 1.35.

Catalogue cf Books, 471

Nippon Rinri Ihen. 0 4:ffrSi^fi- Vol. I. A history
of Japanese ethics (ethical theories held by a school of
Confucianism called *' Shushi Gaku Ha/*) Author Inouye
Tetsujiro. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 1.60.

Nippon Rinri Ihen. Wif^^W^M- Vol. II. A his-
tory of Japanese ethics. — Ethical theories held by a school
of Confucianism called Shushi Gaku Ha. Author Inouye
Tetsujiro. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, i.oo.

Rinri Ky5kwa-sho. |&Sf5:5|^^. A text book on
ethics. Authors Watanabe Ryusei and Nakajima Ushi-
jiro. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen, 0.55.

Psychology.

Shinrigaku. ^(^ ^ ^. Psychology. Author Hayami
Ko. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

Education.

Nippon Gakusei Taiko. Q^^^fM^M- School system
of Japan, written for Chinese readers. Author Taito D6-
bunkyoku. Publisher Maruya & Co. Price Yen, 0.08.

Rekishi Kyoju Ho. MStlk^^-- Method of teaching
history. Author Saito Hisho. Publisher Kinkodo. Price
Yen, 0.75,

Kydiku to Hakubutsugaku. ffc"^* i fff^^^. Education
and Natural History. Author Oka Saijiro. Publisher Kai-
seikwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Shogakko Jikken Kwanri Dan. /h$^)if J|^3|^ Expe-
riences in the management of an elementary school. Author
Negishi Kwan. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.35.

Shogakko Zugwa Kyoju Ron. /h^a5iaaf«i:«^.
Method of teaching drawing in elementary schools. Author
Komuro Shinzo. Publisher Rotsugokwan. Price Yen,

0.35-

472 Catalogue of Books.

Shogakii Kyoju Ho. /h^tfcS^- Method of teach-
ing an elementar}'^ school. Author Naito Keisuke. Pub-
lisher Seibidd. Price Yen, 0.75.

Shogakko ShQshin Kydju Ho. /^ JP «f ME # iK S *-
Method of teaching ethics in elementary schools. Author
Sanada Takanori. Publisher Kiftkodo. Price Yen, 0.30.

Shinsen Kyoju Ho. frSliKSj*- Vol. II. Method of
teaching. Author Yamamoto Sotaro. Publisher Toyosha.
Price Yen, 0.35.

Jitchiteki Shogakko Kyoju Ho. J|^W^h*6!^«(Si*
Vol. I. Practical method of teaching an elementary
school. Author Yamamatsu Tsiirukichi. Publisher Toyo-
sha. Price Yen, 0.35.

Kyoju Saimoku Tekiyo Jid5 Kokugo Tsuzuri-Kata. j^

^*fflBiifflaSSlg|g*. Method of teaching children
how to spell their own language, in accordance with ele-
mentary school requirements. Author Tsukiniwa Yu.
Publisher Kinshodo. Price Yen, 0.20.

T5kyo Koto Shihan Gakk5 Ichiran. XMiiS€$^Sp$|^
^~"S- Catalogue of T5kyo Higher Normal School.
Author Tokyo Koto Shihan Gakko. Publisher Maruja
& Co. Price Yen 0.35.

Zoku Gakusei Kun. ^^^p. Precepts for students.
Author Omachi Keigetsu. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price
Yen, 0.25.

Bushid5. i^ijiE- Spirit of Japanese chivalry. Author
Yamaoka Tesshu. Publisher Koyukwan. , Price Yen, 0.35.

Kyoiku-j6 no Joshiki. tfcW-h®'^^- Common sense
in education. Author Yoshimoto Toku. Publisher Nai-
kwai Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Shimpen Shogaku Kyoju Ho. ff|g /h «^ tJc Jf ^.
Method of teaching an elementar>^ school. Author Azu-

Catalogue of Books. 473

ma Motokichi. Publisher Kinshodo. Price Yen, 050.

Shogakko Kyoju Saimoku. A^^^^%lW^^' Cur-
riculum of an elementary school. Author Tokyo Fu
Shihan Gakko. Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen,
0.40.

Shogakko ni okeru Hanashikata no Riron oyobi Jissai.
/h^«i:*^l?i^L*0a^JSl»R|. Theory and prac-
tice of speaking in an elementary school. Author Yora
Kumatard. Publisher Kdfukwan. Price Yen, 0.20.

Meiji Sanju-go Nendo Sho Kwanritsu Gakko Nyugaku
Shiken Mondai Toan Sh5kai. BjJ/S^H+S^lK^'gjt^
1&K^UMW^^MM%' A collection of questions and
answers, with minute notes thereon, given at the entrance
examinations of the government schools. Authors Eminent
scholars. Publisher Kanasashi. Price Yen, o 50.

Kakkwa Jikken Kyoju H5 Kogi. ^T^%mikmi^^
^. Ixctures on experimental methods of teaching Author
Tominaga Iwatard. Publisher Kinshodo. Price Yen 0.78

Daigaku Sekio kwanken. :^^$(|^^M- A layman's
view on the university system. Author Takanc Yoshito.
Publisher Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.15.

Genkon Kydiku no Riso. Jft4*licW0?iffli- Ideals ot
education in the present day. Autiior Makiyama Eiji.
Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Kyoju Yoko oyobi Kyoju Rei. m^^^.^%L^^V
Principal subjects and examples of teaching in an element-
ary school. Author Joshi Kot5 Shihan Gakko Fuzoku
Shogakkd. Publisher Koyukwan. Price Yen, 0.40.

Shinsen Kyoju Gaku. ^^i|i^^. Vol. III. Method
of teaching. Price Yen, 0.35.

Jitsuyo Shogaku Kyoju Ho. %%rV^%M\^. Prac-
tical method of teaching an elementary school Authors

474

Catalogue of Books,

Yamamoto S6tar5 and Iwanaga Masujir5. Publisher D5-
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

Hakubutsugaku Kyoju oyobi Kenkyu no JumbL fl|4fiy
*lfeSA0f^:5:?fSii. On the preparation for teaching
and studying natural science. Authors Yamanouchi Shi-
geyo and Nohara Moroku. Publisher Toyodo. Price Yen,
0.50.

Sanjugonen Do Sho Kwanritsu Gakko Nyu^aku Shiken

Mondai Shu. il^3£^J$»WiC*«A*l«^i!WJilfe. A

collection of questions for entrance examinations at govern-
ment schools in 1901. Publisher Kanasashi. Price Yen,
0.15.

Tokyo Yugaku Annai. 4(M.ifil^£^* A guide book
to school life in T5ky5. Publisher Shiigakudd. Price
Yen, 0.35.

Doitsu Hoshu Gakko Seido. MZMIS^WHI^yt.^ Ger-
man system of supplementary schools. Author Education
Department. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 1.50.

Obei Gakko Seikwatsu. Hfe^iPK^fll. On School
life in Europe, Author Eigo Seinen Sha. Publisher Oka-
zakiya Shotcn. Price Yen, 0.20.

Shojo Bunko Gakko no Kokoroe. d^ic^J$9^ttO
i6t^- ^ guide to school life for girls. Author Shimoda
Uta Ko. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

Katei no Shin Fiami. ^S£03&fM^- New interest in
home life. Author Sakai Kosen. Publisher Naigwai
Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.40.

Koto Shogaku Tankyu Kyoju Ho. jft^ /\^^ y |S^|fe
JJfi- On the method of single class teaching in higher
elementary schools. Author Tsuyuguchi Etsujird. Pub-
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, o.io.

TankyQ Kyoiku Satsuyo. HiglKWaK- Principles

Catalogue of Books. 475

of single class education. Author Sasaki Seinoj5. Pub-
lisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.50.

Genkon Kyoju-jo no Gobyu. Jft^tfc^^JiOlSi^. On
the errors of the method of teaching in the present day.
Author Tonegawa Yosaku. Publisher Tanuma Shoten.
Price Yen, 0.15.

Bungei to Kyoiku. jfcifiSiffc^*. On the relation be-
tween literary accomplishments and education. Author
Tsubouchi Yuzo. Publisher Shunyodo. Price Yen, 1. 00.

Futsu Kyoiku Shikd. ^JfitiWit/M- ^ short history
of elementary education. Author Iwata Shizuo. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.60.

Katei Kyoiku Kodomo no Shitsuke. ^gglficWT'lft©
LOtt- On the home training of children. Authoi
Kutsumi Kesson. Publisher Maekawa Buneikaku. Price
Yen, 0.25.

Kyomi Ron. H ^ |df- On the principles of interest
Author Sasakura Shinji. Publisher Fusamb5. Price Yen,
0.20.

Shogaku Kakkwa Kyoan Hanrei. /hJ^^f^^^lSfi?*].
A collection of specimen lessons to be given in ele-
mentary schools. Author Yusa Seiho. Publisher Dobun-
kwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

Kyoju no Ronriteki Kiso. t5:f?;ttftJffl(Kj^Sg- Logi-
cal basis for teaching. Authors Suzuki Toraichiro and
Toniinaga Iwataro. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.70.

Kyoiku Mampitsu. j|Jic W ^ ¥• ^ layman's views on
education. Author Nusahara Tan. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 1.50.

Shinsen Kydikugaku Koyo. ?lJ?^|icW^IW3c- Princi-
ples of education. Author Suzuki Koai. Publisher Sugi-
moto. Price Yen, 0.45.

4/6

Catalogue of Books.

Shogakko Kyoju Kunren Teiyo. /J\j
Vol. I. On the method of teaching in elementary schools.
Author Ototake Iwazo. Publisher T5yosha. Price Yen,

1.20.

Futsu Kyoikugaku Yogi. ^3ifi$JcW$MIS^- Principles
of elementary education. Author Nakajima Hanjiro.
Publisher Kaihatsusha. Price Yen, 0.70.

Iwate Ken Shihan Gakko Fuzoku Sh5 Gakk5 Kyoju
Saimoku. Jg-f-)|i61i«S^fi?Pftli/h*«5*fe^«ia. Cur-
riculum of the Elementary School attached to the Normal
School in Iwate Prefecture. Author Kydtokwai. Publisher
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.70.

Kydiku Shoshi. JUJcW^'bSl- A short history of educa-
tion. Author Kinkodo. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen,
0.50.

Su no Shinri oyobi Sanjutsu Kyoju Ho. IK[0i&S&
^tfiDciS'^- O" ^^^ method of teaching the principles
of mathematics and arithmetic. Author Tomina^ra Iwa-
taro. Publisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.75.

Kyoiku Ronshu. ^ W |fe ^. A collection of essays
on education. Author Sone Matsutard. Publisher Kin-
k5do. Price Yen, 0.15.

Kyoiku Jutsugo Kai. Ife W ^ ^ jl?- Notes on edu-
cational technics. Author Hiroshima Hidetaro. Publisher
Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35.

Shimpcn Jitsuyo Ky5ikugaku. %\^%W6(M^^ Prac-
tical theories on education. Author ICatsumata Teijiro.
Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.75.

Sho Giikko Sanjutsu Kvva Ky5ju Saimoku. /h^^Dt
H5?^^IB@- Curriculum of elementary school arithmetic.
Author Tokyo Fu Shihan Gakko. Publisher Bungaku-
sha. Price Yen, 0.35.

Catalogue of Books. 477

Jikkcn Shogaku Kyoju Ho. K-S^^'h^lktS/i- Method
of clcmentaiy school teaching based on experiences.
Author Sato Zcnjiro. Publisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen,
0.75.

. Shogaku Kyoju Ho. /h ^ f5c|5? fi- Method of ele-
mentary school teaching. Author Odo Eikichi. Publisher
Sugimoto. Price Yen, 0.60.

Shogaku Jissaiteki Kyoju Ho. /h ^ Jf |^ ft<J ^ ^ ^i.
Practical method of teaching in elementary schools.
Author Murata Uichiro. Publisher T6y5sha. Price Yen,
0.65.

Jissaiteki Kyoikugaku. fifB^fitlfic'^i^. Practical thories
on education. Author Terauchi Ei. Publisher Hobun-
kwan. Price Yen, i.oo.

Jinjo Shogaku ni okeru Jikkwa Kyoju Ho Kogt Yoryo.

m% 'vm-^mih fm ts:e??i mk^w<- lectures on

the method of teaching practical lessons in elementary
schools. Author Tanahashi Gentaro. Publisher Ikusei-
kwai. Price Yen, 0.25.

Sho Gakkd Shogakunen Jido Kyoiku. A^^^^^^
!^ S ^ W- O*^ ^^ method of teaching the first year
children of elementary schools. Author Suzuki Shinichiro.
Publisher Kinkodd. Ptice Yen, 0.35.

Shin Kyoju Ho. ^ficS^- New method of teaching.
Author Shimbikwan. Publisher Uyehara Shoten. Price
Yen, 0.32.

Shinsen Kyoju Gaku. ^^^f^f?^. New method of
teaching. Author Yamamoto Sotaro. Publisher Toyosha.
Price Yen, 0.35.

Shakwaiteki Kyoikugaku. jJ:^ ^jfjc W^- ^^ social
education. Author Kumagai Goro. Publisher Kinkodo.
Price Yen, 1.40.

478

Catalogue of Books,

Sliukyo Igwai no Tokuiku. ^4-; Sfc £1 ^ :t fi W- On
Moral education outside religion. Author Sakuma Hideo.
Publisher Kaitaku.sha. Price Yen, O.25.

Joshi Koto Shihan Gakko IchJran. '^-iFi@i^M$i|[^t$
^^bi' Catalogue of the Girls' Higher Normal School.
Author Joshi Koto Shihan Gakk5. Publisher Nakanish:-
ya Shotcn. Price Yen, 0.30.

Katei Kyoiku Joshi no Kagami. |^S^ftW^"F0iS-
A collection of noble examples of women. Author Aoki.
Tsunesaburo. Publisher Aoki Suzanbo. Price Yen,
0.15.

Katei Kyoiku Johan. 'MM.^M'kM,' A collection of
noble examples of women. Author Taikwa Sanjin. Pub-
lisher Aoki Suz.uulo. Price Yen, 0.15.

Shushin Kyoju Satsuyo. {^#$fc}S^|S- Method of
teaching ethics. Author Sasaki Kichisaburo. Publisher

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